All power to the Soviets! what advice do we need? Great Soviet Encyclopedia - All Power to the Soviets! When the slogan All Power to the Soviets appeared

Political and social system Soviet Russia

Even before the October Revolution, many workers kicked out their factory owners and took control of factories. Thus, after October, the Bolsheviks had to formalize by decree what the workers themselves had already achieved. For example, in the army, the commanding staff were selected and re-elected strictly by the soldiers.

But some time after October, the factory and factory committees lost their power and control began to pass to the former owners, managers and commissariats. The selective system in the Red Army was abolished in April 1918. Lenin's pre-revolutionary slogan that “every cook will be able to rule the country” again became a myth, just like under the tsar. The Bolsheviks returned to all spheres of life and production of bourgeois specialists. They returned the former to the army tsarist generals and officers, Lenin himself began to introduce the previously rejected method of production Taylorism into economics.

Thus, although private ownership of the means of production was abolished, hierarchies, wage labor and the division between managers and managers in enterprises remained. In this regard, in Soviet Russia we have to talk about state capitalism, tk. the state took the place of private capitalists, party bureaucrats became managers of production and, accordingly, the exploiting class of the entire system. Under the guise of a "socialist" backdrop, the Soviet bureaucracy began to collectively dispose of all state property.

Kronstadt

The sailors of Kronstadt were always at the forefront of all revolutionary events in Russia. During the uprisings against the tsar in 1906 and 1910 and later against the Kerensky government, when they proclaimed the Commune of Kronstadt. It was the Kronstadt cruiser "Aurora" that gave the signal for the assault Winter Palace and it was the sailors of Kronstadt who occupied the post office, telegraph office and strategic facilities in Petrograd. All this prompted Trotsky to write that "The sailors of Kronstadt were the pride and glory of the Russian revolution." Even then, the sailors belonged to the progressive elements of society, tk. mostly came from a working class environment and already until 1917 had connections with revolutionary groups.

The Kronstadt uprising was a response to the February strikes that broke out in Petrograd. For many of the Kronstadters, relatives and relatives lived in Petrograd and, thanks to their proximity, they had close contact with the city. The situation of the workers in Petrograd was getting worse, the rations were cut in half, factories and plants were closed and many families were starving.

Gatherings at factories in February were suppressed by the government, but at the same time it became known that new clothes and shoes were distributed to party members in factories. Also, the Bolshevik government made concessions to foreign capital, but not to the proletariat.

After the news of the strikes in Petrograd reached Kronstadt, the sailors decided to send a delegation to the city to obtain first-hand information. After hearing the report of the delegation on the situation in Petrograd, a resolution was unanimously adopted.

"1. Since the current Soviets no longer reflect the will of the workers and peasants, immediately hold new, secret elections and, for the election campaign, grant complete freedom of agitation among the workers and soldiers.
2. Grant freedom of speech and press to workers and peasants, as well as all anarchist and left-socialist parties
3. Guarantee freedom of assembly and coalition to all trade unions and peasant organizations
4. Convene a conference above the party of workers, Red Army men and sailors of Petersburg, Kronstadt and the Petersburg province, which should take place at the latest on March 10, 1921.
5. Release all political prisoners belonging to the socialist parties and release their imprisonment of all workers, peasants and sailors who were arrested in connection with workers 'and peasants' unrest
6. To check the cases of other prisoners in prisons and concentration camps, elect an audit commission
7. Eliminate all political departments, since no party has the right to claim special privileges to spread its ideas or financial aid for this by the government; instead, establish cultural and educational commissions to be elected locally and funded by the government
8. Immediately disband all barrage units
9. Establish equal amounts of food ration for all workers, with the exception of those whose work is especially dangerous from a medical point of view
10. Eliminate special communist departments in all formations of the Red Army and communist security groups at enterprises and replace them, where necessary, with units that will have to be allocated by the army itself, and at enterprises - formed by the workers themselves
11. Grant the peasants complete freedom to dispose of their land, as well as the right to have their own livestock, provided that they manage by their own means, that is, without hiring labor
12. To ask all soldiers, sailors and cadets to support our demands
13. Ensure that these solutions are circulated in print
14. Appoint a traveling control commission
15. To admit freedom of handicraft production, if it not based on the exploitation of someone else's labor.

The demands that were announced in the decree were nothing more than a return to the original demands of the October Revolution. As is customary in the "workers 'state", instead of engaging in dialogue, the state responded to the workers' demands with repression and orders to shoot the protesters. It became clear that the Bolshevik Party had no argument other than weapons, although the workers' demands were enshrined in the then constitution!

The newspaper Izvestia Kronstadt dated March 16, 1921 wrote:"What are we fighting for? The working class hoped that the October Revolution would bring him liberation. The result was an even greater oppression of the people. The glorious coat of arms of the workers' state - the hammer and sickle - was replaced by the Bolshevik government with a bayonet and a lattice to protect the calm and pleasant life of commissars and officials." ...

The Bolshevik government began to further mobilize troops in order to solve the problem by force in the spirit of the good old counter-revolutionary traditions.On March 3, the “Committee of Defense” of Petrograd issued a decree: “When crowds of people in the streets, the troops must use weapons. If you resist, shoot on the spot. "

„We will shoot you like partridges! “- Counter-revolution on the march!

The Kronstadters hoped not for their military abilities, but for the solidarity of the working class. Militarily, they could not win, social-revolutionary they were isolated and discredited by the Bolsheviks with their Red Army. As representatives of the third revolution, who, after the February and October revolutions, finally wanted to realize social revolution, they proudly said: "We did not want to shed brotherly blood and did not fire a single shot until we were forced to do so. We had to defend the just cause of the working people and were forced to return fire. We had to shoot at our own brothers, who were sent to certain death. Communists, gorging themselves at the expense of the people. At the same time, their leaders Trotsky, Zinoviev and others were sitting in warm, lighted rooms, in soft armchairs in the royal palaces and pondering how to shed the blood of the rebellious Kronstadt even faster and better. "

“Our cause is just: We stand for the Power of the Soviets, not the parties. We are in favor of freely chosen representatives of the working masses. Today's Soviets led by the Communist Party do not meet our requirements and needs, the only response we once received was shooting ... "

On March 7, 1921, shelling of Kronstadt began. The leader of the uprising S. Petrichenko later wrote: "Standing up to his waist in the blood of workers, the bloody Field Marshal Trotsky was the first to open fire on the revolutionary Kronstadt, which had rebelled against the rule of the Communists to restore the true power of the Soviets."

On March 8, 1921, on the day of the opening of the X Congress of the RCP (b), units of the Red Army went to the assault on Kronstadt. But the assault was repulsed, suffering heavy losses, the punitive troops retreated to their original lines. Sharing the demands of the insurgents, many Red Army men and army units refused to participate in the suppression of the uprising. Mass shootings began. For the second assault, the most loyal units were drawn to Kronstadt, even the delegates of the party congress were thrown into battle. On the night of March 16, after an intensive shelling of the fortress, a new assault began.

Thanks to the tactics of shooting the retreating Red Army soldiers with barrage detachments and the advantage in forces and means, Tukhachevsky's troops broke into the fortress, fierce street battles began, and only by the morning of March 18, the resistance of the Kronstadters was broken. The commander of the communist shock battalion was the future commissar of the fortress V.P. Gromov.

Historical facts and lies spread by the Bolsheviks.

To use force against the “pride and glory of the Russian revolution” the Bolsheviks needed a whole campaign of slander and discredit. The Kronstadters put forward purely legitimate demands, and the Bolsheviks only fought to retain power, then they had to invent a couple of legends in order to justify their counter-revolutionary actions.

Lie number one in this campaign was that there were whites behind the Kronstadters. On March 8, 1921, a programmatic article appeared in Izvestia VRK "What are we fighting for." "The workers and peasants are marching forward uncontrollably. They have left behind them the Constituent Assembly with its bourgeois system. In the same way, they will leave behind the dictatorship of the Communist Party with its Cheka and its state capitalism, which fell in a death noose on the neck of the working masses and threatened to finally strangle them. Now the transformation will give the working people the opportunity to finally establish freely elected Soviets, which work without violent pressure from one party, and turn the state trade unions into free associations of workers, peasants and creative intelligentsia. The police baton of the communist autocracy is finally broken. "

The fact that the White Guard press sympathized with Kronstadt proves absolutely nothing. Experience shows that reactionaries of all stripes are always trying to “fish in troubled waters”.

“In Kronstadt,” Lenin said when the creation of the Bolshevik legend about Kronstadt had just begun, “they don’t want the White Guards, they don’t want our power - but there is no other power.”

“Don't be mistaken about their battle cry" Soviets without Communists ". "Communists" they called those usurpers who even now - without any reason - so they call themselves - the Bolshevik champions of state capitalism, who then just suppressed the strike of the Petrograd workers. The name "communist" was as hateful to the workers of Kronstadt in 1921 as it was in 1953 by the East German workers, and in 1956 by the Hungarian workers. But the workers of Kronstadt, like them, followed their class interests. Therefore, their proletarian methods of struggle are still important to all their classmates, who - wherever - are fighting on their own and know from experience that their liberation can only be their own business. " ...

The significance of Kronstadt today

The significance of Kronstadt is as great today as it was then. Kronstadt embodies the tradition of a classless society, which relies not on the force of decrees and rifles, but on the strength and initiative of the working class in the struggle against exploitation and humiliation of any kind. Kronstadt is a warning and a warning. On the example of what position the revolutionary groups take today in relation to "Kronstadt" it becomes clear what they mean by a classless society (orders from above or the Soviets, representative politics or self-organization).

ALL POWER TO THE COUNCILS!

power to the Soviets! ", the main political slogan of the Bolshevik Party during the preparation and implementation of the Great October Socialist Revolution. It was put forward in the April Theses of V. I. Lenin and enshrined in the decisions of the All-Russian April Conference of the RSDLP (b). The content of the slogan changed in the process of the struggle for socialist revolution... During the period of peaceful development of the revolution (April - June 1917), he assumed the elimination of dual power by transferring all power to the Soviets, creating a Soviet government from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, since they constituted the majority in the Soviets. During this period, the Bolsheviks, without entering the government, had to act as an opposition party in front of the broad masses, criticizing the inconsistency and vacillation of the petty-bourgeois parties, using the right to recall deputies, seeking a change in the party composition of the Soviets and ultimately creating a Bolshevik Soviet government. During this period, the question of overthrowing the bourgeois Provisional Government by means of an armed uprising was not raised, for the government was supported by the Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets. The Provisional Government, which did not have real power at its disposal and was held in power by agreement with the Soviets, could not then offer any serious resistance.

In the course of the development of the revolution, the masses became convinced from their own experience that the Provisional Government and the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Soviets that supported it did not fulfill their demands. The process of eliminating compromising illusions began. A striking indicator of this was the mass demonstrations in Petrograd (April, June and July) and other cities. In the days of July 1917, the autocracy of the bourgeoisie was established. The Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets have become powerless appendages of the bourgeois government. Under these conditions, Lenin substantiated the need for a temporary withdrawal of the slogan on the transfer of power to the Soviets, and the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (Bolsheviks) withdrew the slogan "V. in. S.!" After the Bolshevization of the Soviets, both central and many local, the content of the slogan "V. v. S.!" changed: now he called for the struggle to transform the revolutionary, Bolshevik Soviets into organs of insurrection against the bourgeois government, for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The slogan "V. v. S.!" was realized as a result of the victory of the October Revolution. The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on October 25 (November 7) 1917 took all power into its own hands and formed the Soviet Government (SNK).

Lit .: Lenin V.I., The tasks of the proletariat in our revolution, Poln. collection cit., 5th ed., vol. 31; his, the Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b), in the same place; his, State and Revolution, ibid., v. 33; his, One of the fundamental questions of the revolution, ibid., v. 34; The CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee, parts 1, 7 ed., M., 1954, p. 332-53; Sixth Congress of the RSDLP (Bolsheviks). Protocols, M., 1958: History of the CPSU, vol. 3, book. 1, M., 1967; Mints I.I., History of the Great October, vol. 2, M., 1968.

Yu.S. Tokarev.

Big Soviet encyclopedia, TSB. 2012

See more interpretations, synonyms, meanings of the word and what is ALL POWER TO COUNCILS! in Russian in dictionaries, encyclopedias and reference books:

POWER in the Quote Wiki.
POWER in the Dictionary of Gender Research Terms .:
- the ability of individuals or group members to achieve certain goals and realize their interests. Power is an integral part of any human ...
POWER in the Newest Philosophical Dictionary:
in classical philosophical concepts - a special relationship between people, the ability to exercise their will. The tradition of V.'s interpretation in terms of will (subjective ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Postmodernism:
- KNOWLEDGE - see FUKO, DISPOSITIVE, "SUPERVISE AND PUNISH" ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Postmodernism:
- in classical philosophical concepts - a special relationship between people, the ability to exercise their will. The tradition of V.'s interpretation in terms of will ...
POWER
FOUNDATION - see FOUNDATION AUTHORITY ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
JUDICIAL - see JUDICIAL POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
REGULATORY - see REGULATORY ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
PUBLIC - see PUBLIC POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
REPRESENTATIVE - see REPRESENTATIVE ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
CONTROL - see CONTROL POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
EXECUTIVE - see EXECUTIVE POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
ELECTORAL - see ELECTORAL POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
LEGISLATIVE - see LEGISLATIVE POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
DISCRETIONAL see DISCRETIONAL POWER ...
POWER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
- special public relations domination and subordination, in which the will and actions of some people, organizations prevail (dominates) over the will and ...
ALL in the Brief Church Slavonic Dictionary:
- all; all kinds - everything ...
POWER in the Bible Dictionary:
- spiritual strength (Luke 4:36). In the mundane sense, it is submission and suppression based on fear. The first is a Divine gift ...
POWER in the Basic terms used in the book by A.S. Akhiezer Criticism of Historical Experience:
- a specialized form of activity (as well as an aspect of many other forms of activity) aimed at organizing the reproduction of the integration of society, primarily through ...
POWER in the Big Encyclopedic Dictionary:
POWER in the Modern Encyclopedic Dictionary:
in a general sense, the ability and ability to exert a decisive influence on the activities, behavior of people with the help of any means - will, authority, ...
POWER in the Encyclopedic Dictionary:
in a general sense, the ability and ability to exert a decisive influence on the activities, behavior of people with the help of any means - will, authority, ...
POWER v Encyclopedic dictionary:
, -and, pl. -and, -y, w. 1. The right and the ability to dispose of someone else, to subordinate to their will. Parental c. Excessive power. Under …
POWER in the Popular Explanatory and Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Russian Language:
-and, pl. -and, - "she, f. 1) only units. The right and the ability to dictate your will, to influence others with the help of some l. ...
POWER in the Dictionary for solving and compiling scanwords:
The press is the fourth ...
POWER in Abramov's Dictionary of Synonyms:
dominion, dominion, power, strength; power, authority, right (full); throne, kingdom. Reins of government. "Of course, Tsar, your state is strong." Cannon. It's all about ...
ALL in the dictionary of Synonyms of the Russian language:
whole, ...
POWER in the Dictionary of the Russian language Lopatin:
power, -and, pl. -and, …
POWER full spelling dictionary Russian language:
power, -and, pl. -and, …
POWER in the Spelling Dictionary:
power, -and, pl. -and, …
POWER in the Ozhegov Russian Language Dictionary:
political domination, public administration and its organs V. Soviets or Soviet century. Supreme V. Come to power. Be in power. ...
POWER in Dahl's Dictionary:
wives the right, power and will over what, freedom of action and orders; bossing; control; | bosses, boss or superiors. It is given to everyone ...
POWER in the Modern Explanatory Dictionary, TSB:
in a general sense, the ability and ability to exert a decisive influence on the activities, behavior of people with the help of any means - will, authority, ...
ALL
Female. R. from ...
ALL v Explanatory dictionary Russian language Ushakov:
(church-Slavic plural cf. p. from the whole). Only in colloquial. outdated. expression: everything and everything, everything and everything - see ...
POWER, in the Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language by Ushakov:
pl. authorities, authorities, 1.units only. the right and the ability to subordinate someone to something. his own will, to dispose of the actions of someone. Government. Parental ...
THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, TSB.
MANAGER in the Dictionary of Economic Terms:
ORGANIZATION - under the shareholder law of the Russian Federation - a commercial organization, which, by decision general meeting shareholders can be transferred by agreement ...
NUMBER 4
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→ All power to the Soviets! in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia

("All the power to the Soviets!")

the main political slogan of the Bolshevik Party during the preparation and implementation of the Great October Socialist Revolution (see Great October Socialist Revolution). It was put forward in the April Theses of V.I. Lenin (See April Theses of V.I. Lenin) and enshrined in the decisions of the All-Russian April Conference of the RSDLP (b). The content of the slogan changed in the course of the struggle for the socialist revolution. During the period of peaceful development of the revolution (April - June 1917), he envisioned the elimination of dual power (see Dual power) by transferring all power to the Soviets, creating a Soviet government from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, since they constituted the majority in the Soviets. During this period, the Bolsheviks, without entering the government, had to act as an opposition party in front of the broad masses, criticizing the inconsistency and vacillation of the petty-bourgeois parties, using the right to recall deputies, seeking a change in the party composition of the Soviets and ultimately creating a Bolshevik Soviet government. During this period, the question of overthrowing the bourgeois Provisional Government by means of an armed uprising was not raised, for the government was supported by the Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets. The Provisional Government, which did not have real power at its disposal and was held in power by agreement with the Soviets, could not then offer any serious resistance.

In the course of the development of the revolution, the masses became convinced from their own experience that the Provisional Government and the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Soviets that supported it did not fulfill their demands. The process of eliminating compromising illusions began. A striking indicator of this was the mass demonstrations in Petrograd (April, June and July) and other cities. In the days of July 1917, the autocracy of the bourgeoisie was established. The Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets have become powerless appendages of the bourgeois government. Under these conditions, Lenin substantiated the need for a temporary withdrawal of the slogan on the transfer of power to the Soviets, the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b) withdrew the slogan “V. v. WITH.!". After the Bolshevization of the Soviets, both central and many local, the content of the slogan “V. v. WITH.!" changed: now he called for the struggle to transform the revolutionary, Bolshevik Soviets into organs of insurrection against the bourgeois government, for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The slogan “V. v. WITH.!" was realized as a result of the victory of the October Revolution. The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on October 25 (November 7) 1917 took all power into its own hands and formed the Soviet Government (SNK).

Yu.S. Tokarev.

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To the Soviets! ”, The main political slogan of the Bolshevik Party during the preparation and implementation of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Nominated in the April Theses. ... Lenin and enshrined in the decisions of the All-Russian April Conference of the RSDLP (b). The content of the slogan changed in the course of the struggle for the socialist revolution. During the period of peaceful development of the revolution (April - June 1917), he assumed the elimination of dual power by transferring all power to the Soviets, the creation of a Soviet government from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, since they constituted the majority in the Soviets. During this period, the Bolsheviks, without entering the government, had to act as an opposition party in front of the broad masses, criticizing the inconsistency and vacillation of the petty-bourgeois parties, using the right to recall deputies, seeking to change the party composition of the Soviets and ultimately create a Bolshevik Soviet government. During this period, the question of overthrowing the bourgeois Provisional Government through an armed uprising was not raised, for the government was supported by the Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets. The Provisional Government, which did not have real power at its disposal and was in power by agreement with the Soviets, could not then offer any serious resistance. In the course of the development of the revolution, the masses became convinced from their own experience that the Provisional Government and the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Soviets that supported it did not fulfill their demands. The process of eliminating compromising illusions began. A striking indicator of this was the mass demonstrations in Petrograd (April, June and July) and other cities. In the days of July 1917, the autocracy of the bourgeoisie was established. The Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik Soviets have become powerless appendages of the bourgeois government. Under these conditions, Lenin substantiated the need for a temporary withdrawal of the slogan on the transfer of power to the Soviets, the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b) withdrew the slogan “V. v. WITH.!". After the Bolshevization of the Soviets, both central and many local, the content of the slogan “V. v. WITH.!" changed: now he called for the struggle to transform the revolutionary, Bolshevik Soviets into organs of insurrection against the bourgeois government, for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The slogan “V. v. WITH.!" was realized as a result of the victory of the October Revolution. The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on October 25 (November 7) 1917 took all power into its own hands and formed the Soviet Government (SNK). Lit .: Lenin V.I., The tasks of the proletariat in our revolution, Poln. collection cit., 5th ed., vol. 31; his, the Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b), in the same place; him,

Kronstadt uprising-1921: a memory or a premonition?

... March 18, 1921 was finally suppressed Kronstadt uprising... The insurgents' slogan ”In our time has become more than relevant against the background of the electoral bacchanalia of 2011/2012 going down in history.

The events of 89 years ago have a lot in common with the current situation. There is disappointment in the results of the collapse of the country even among the most staunch protesters in 1917 and 1991, and the dominance of a foreign element in power, and the economic degradation of Russia under such a government, overflowing with those who have grasped the powers of “new bureaucrats”. In addition, the loss of the real trust of the people by the "official" parties that exist today and in 1921 in the absence of an organized structured alternative political force ready to protect the people, which had just escaped from the fire and blood of a series of wars that ended in the loss of a large sovereign territory of our united Power.

A century ago, the village groaned from surplus appropriation, the urban economy was again at the level late XVIII centuries, the workers have lost both their jobs and the hope of finding it. Labor armies do not count, even this form of coercion itself angered the Russians. Since 1920, when everyone already wanted a normal post-war peaceful life, strikes began, peasant uprisings in whole counties, Military establishment also did not remain in perfect-hearted calm. Large armed formations of the so-called “greens” roamed the forests, exchanging surplus appropriation for banditry. Many memoirs have been written about this, but read, for example, the memoirs of the younger Golitsyn or younger Volkova, who were then twenty years old, became possible only recently. But they did not emigrate!

On February 11, 1921, it was decided to close 93 enterprises by March 1, including Putilovsky, Sestroretsky, Triangle, Franco-Russian, Lessner, Baranovsky, Langensiepen and many other major factories, which employed about 27 thousand workers. of which 17809 are metalworkers. On March 3, the grain reserves in Petrograd remained for one day at the "half size" rate, and on March 4 - for four days "at the reduced rate." This situation persisted throughout March.

But in the new "leadership" there were lively debates about which way to move - either tighten the nuts until the thread breaks, or slightly open the valve of the boiler ready for explosion. It was after Kronstadt that the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin V.I. made the only correct decision in its place: open the valve, introduce a NEP (new economic policy), otherwise the Revolution would have devoured its children immediately. So the sacrifices of Kronstadt were not in vain either from a historical or a military point of view. In a sense, this is a turning point in the fate of Russia. As a result of the suppression of the rebellion, the ineffectiveness and unreliability of the Red Army was revealed (some units called in as punishers simply sabotaged the order with a fig in their pocket to the side Trotsky and other evil spirits). Therefore, it was necessary to urgently mobilize 300 delegates to the X Congress of the RCP (b) "on the ice of Kronstadt" to increase the stability of the troops after the first unsuccessful assault on the heroic base of the Russian Navy. With them - 1114 communists and three regiments of cadets from several military schools.

The confusion of the occupation authorities was in the same tone as recently after the December 2010 Manezhka. But what distinguishes the situation: our TV is under the anti-popular control of multi-colored Russophobes, and sailors, Red Army men and residents of Kronstadt had powerful radio stations for ships and the Main Base. This spark could easily have roused the whole of Russia to the national liberation struggle. If the leaders of the uprising had thought of postponing its start for a couple of months, when the ice around Kotlin Island would melt, all world history could have gone completely differently.

The main base of the Baltic Fleet, three battleships ("Petropavlovsk", "Sevastopol" and "Andrey Pervozvanny"), 140 guns, of which 41 are large, about 100 machine guns, were in the hands of 26 thousand rebels. " It should be noted that not all personnel took part in the uprising - in particular, 450 people who refused to join the uprising were arrested and locked in the hold of the battleship "Petropavlovsk"; with weapons in hand, the party school and part of the communist sailors left the shore in full force, there were also defectors (in total, more than 400 people left the fortress before the assault)».

And here is an interesting collision. While still an ordinary Tagansky schoolboy, in 1982 I asked our history teacher, Rumyantseva V.Ya.(he was at the same time the party organizer of the school): “I don’t understand how the sailors who were the basis of the Revolution rebelled?” The answer was something like that there was “ many former peasants, and the petty-bourgeois nature of this environment was correctly revealed by Lenin". It's time for me to answer this question myself after square kilometer pages read by military history Russia. The fact is that in 1917 the main cadre forces of the fleet were located much to the west, there were also barracks of coastal cadre crews, with excellent training and a stable psyche (they simply shot Russophobic agitators), and the "revolutionary sailors" of Petrograd were a mixture of recently drafted m and 4th set of 1916 ( knowledgeable people understand) with what is now called disbat. The Cadre Fleet did not mess with the German-British destruction of our country. But they returned to Kronstadt after all Brest worlds and ethnic cleansing in the Army and Navy. Executions of officers and admirals stopped, as did the mass rape of social characteristics... Read Bunin"Cursed Days". So the "sailor" who was engaged in robbery in 1917-1919. - the usual propaganda cover of real Latvian riflemen, Finnish riflemen and Chinese, who were the basis of the ethno-occupation of power in Russia. Provocateurs and assassins, like "mysterious snipers" in October 1993 in Moscow. So a healthy alliance of sailors, soldiers, workers, employees and ordinary residents has formed in Kronstadt. It is this kind of Alliance that the current government is afraid of.

There could be enough food for a month. Two weeks after the start of the mutiny in Kronstadt military units, sailors and workers were supposed to be given ½ pound of bread or ¼ pound of biscuits and 1 can of canned meat for four people. The rest of the people were given 1 pound of oats instead of bread and biscuits. With such forces and resources, today there would already be traffic jams to airports for the departure of the most prominent representatives of the Russophobic political and economic beau monde.

The people of Kronstadt were for Soviet power, but honestly chosen, i.e. practically without the Bolsheviks, whom they understood as ethnic interventionists. I will not decipher, Article 282 does not allow citing the resolutions of meetings and rallies. At the same time, there was not a single word about not letting the communists into the Soviets. Only in proportion to the voices, and this is the Zemstvo scheme, without any churov and sverdlov. Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee M.I. Kalinin who spoke at the anniversary rally February revolution on Anchor Square, not only could not calm people down, but even turned out to be a detonator of an already armed rebellion, and not a protest, with which our country was then overwhelmed.

The events of March 7-18, 1921 can be viewed on the Internet. In the middle of the day on March 17, 1921, 25 Soviet aircraft raided the battleship Petropavlovsk. With heavy fighting, the troops of the Red Army (totaling 45,000) captured forts No. 1, No. 2, Milyutin and Pavel, however, the defenders left the Rif battery and the Shanets battery before the start of the assault and went to Finland across the ice of the bay, more than 8,000 people left in total. The second attack began on the night of March 17. The besieged missed the beginning of the attack, and by morning the assault units broke into Kronstadt. The resistance was chaotic. Due to demoralization, the battleship teams practically did not fight. However, there were times when it looked like the attackers would be pushed back. The outcome of the battle was decided by a surprise cavalry attack, and by noon on March 18 it was all over. The losses of the Kronstadters are unknown. But it can be assumed that they amounted to at least 5-6 thousand. The wounded were not spared, there were no prisoners. The repression began immediately. 2103 people executed by decisions of the Cheka and revolutionary tribunals, 6458 people. sentenced to different terms of imprisonment. The ice around Kronstadt was littered with corpses and covered in blood. Even the suppression of riots in the troops of 1905-1906 was not accompanied by such violence.

Why was the poorly prepared and spontaneous military revolt of the authorities so terrible? - by the fact that he was Political. The people of Kronstadt encroached on the sacred - a monopoly on the administration of one party and the "dictatorship of the proletariat" . « Power to the Soviets, not the parties! "- neither Ta, nor This administration of the Russian Federation is able to survive this. In general, our people do not like any "dictatorship", neither the oligarchy nor the proletariat. 89 years ago we had a chance for national liberation. Now he too is. We have already begun to remember that Justice is important to us. Not to forget again.

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Soviet military encyclopedia, T. 4., pp. 479-480