The thesis on the inevitability of aggravation of class struggle has advanced. On the exacerbation of the class struggle as we move towards socialism. II CPI Congress. Left bias in communist movement

5.07.2013

Key Bolshevik principle

A very significant event marked day July 9, 85 years ago. In one of his speeches at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CCP (b), he stated the exacerbation of the class struggle in the development process and continuing the construction of socialism.

Away rotten theory!

On July 9, 1928, Joseph Vissarionovich noticed in his speech: "... As we move forward, the resistance of capitalist elements will increase, the class struggle will exacerbate, and Soviet authorityThe forces of which will increase more and more, will pursue the policies of these elements, the policy of decomposition of the working class enemies, finally, the policy of suppressing the resistance of the exploiters, creating a base for further promotion of the working class and the main masses of the peasantry.
It is impossible to represent the case that socialist forms will develop, ousting the enemies of the working class, and the enemies will retreat silently, yielding the way to our promotion, which we will again move forward, and they - to retreat back, and then "unexpectedly" without exception Social groups, both fists and the poor, both workers and capitalists, will be "suddenly", "imperceptibly", without struggle and disturbing, in the Lon of Socialist society. There are no such fairy tales and cannot be at all, in the setting of the dictatorship of the proletariat - especially.
It did not happen and there will be no thorough classes to surrender their positions, without trying to sorganize resistance. It did not happen and will not be that the promotion of the working class to socialism in a class society could do without struggle and disturbing. On the contrary, the promotion to socialism cannot but lead to the resistance of the exploitative elements of this promotion, and the resistance of the exploiters cannot but lead to the inevitable exacerbation of the class struggle.
That is why it is impossible to sleep working class conversations about the secondary role class struggle ... " (Stalin I. Works, T.11. M., 1949, p.171-172).
On March 3, 1937, in his report at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), Stalin developed this principle of Bolshevism: "... it is necessary to break and discard away the rotten theory that with each of our promotion a class struggle we should have every more and more and More fond, as we successfully, the class enemy becomes like more and more manual.
This is not only a rotten theory, but also a dangerous theory, for she shifts our people, makes them in a trap, and the class enemy makes it possible to recover to combat the Soviet government.
On the contrary, the more we will move forward, the more we will have success, the more the remnants of the broken exploitative classes will be angry, the sooner they will go to the more acute forms of struggle, the more they will dirture to the Soviet state, the more they will be enough for the most desperate Means of struggle as the last means of doomed ... " (Stalin I. "On the disadvantages of party work and measures to eliminate trotskyist and other two-handers" // "The word Comrade Stalin." M., 1995, p.121-122).
Today, thanks to the illiterate in the theory of Khrushchevtsum, there is an erroneous opinion that the author of the idea of \u200b\u200bthe exacerbation of the class struggle as the construction of socialism is increased. This is not true. Joseph Vissarionovich perceived this idea of \u200b\u200bLenin and developed it. But the author of this principle is Vladimir Ilyich. At the end of May 1919, the article Lenin "Hello High Hungarian Workers" was published in Truth. In this work, Vladimir Ilyich, in particular, writes: "... The destruction of classes is a matter of a long, difficult, stubborn class struggle, which, after the overthrow of the power of the capital, after the destruction of the bourgeois state, after establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat does not disappear (as vulgarity of old socialism imagine and the old Social democracy), but only changes its forms, becoming in many ways still fierce (allocated by me. Avt.)» (Lenin V.I. Works, 3rd edition, t. XXIV, p.315).
This Leninsky-Stalinist principle received its confirmation especially in the thirties of the XX century, when the number of permit cases, sabotage in the factories, railways, attempted the life of the leaders of the Soviet state. For examples, it is not necessary to walk. In 1935, when Stalin rested on the Black Sea in the area of \u200b\u200bCape Pitsunda, the boat in which the leader was located, was shot from the shore. In 1934, during the trip to Kuzbass V.M. Molotov barely avoided the accidents prepared by the enemies, threatened with a fatal outcome for passengers.
The very beginning of the Great Patriotic War Confirms the thesis on the exacerbation of the class struggle. Capitalists, seeing that the USSR is rapidly developing, go ahead and is already on the verge of building a communist society, contributing to the collapse of capitalism around the world, they decided to disrupt this process and raise the Nazis to the Soviet Union.

Lesson for the future

Khrushchev, who were well-disguised agents of global imperialism, discarded the Leninsky-Staliny thesis on the exacerbation of the class struggle and declared it erroneous in order to weaken the vigilance of Soviet people, fasten the weapon of the fight against the enemies of Soviet power. The refusal of the CPSU from this Bolshevik principle was one of the reasons for penetration into the party to the highest positions of the enemies of the people like Gorbachev or Yeltsin. They, together with their like-minded people, having dealt with important posts in the CPSU, and ruined the USSR. If the highest party figures after 1953 were guided by this Leninsky-Stalinist principle about the exacerbation of class struggle, then no anti-communist Padal could do anything in the destruction of the Soviet Union.
After the death of I.V. Stalin class struggle in the USSR did not stop, and even more aggravated. The external manifestation of this process was the murder L.P. Beria and his associates, famous Anthrushchevsky folk performances in Tbilisi, Novocherkassk, intrapartic contradictions in the CPSU, when a group of Molotova, Malenkov, Kaganovich, was negligible from power. After the departure of Khrushchev, from the post of first secretary of the Central Committee, the class struggle also did not subside, although they acquired more hidden forms. An example of this may be an attempt on the life of Brezhnev during one of the demonstrations on the Red Square, an internal struggle, when Stalin's frames were filmed from key positions, and supporters of Khrushchev and Brezhnev came to replace them. The conflict of the USSR and China in the late 1960s also serves as an example of the exacerbation of the class struggle. Four deaths in a row of the state for less than three years (1982-1985) - Brezhnev, Andropov, Ustinova, Chernenko, suggest that all this is not by chance: someone persistently and purposefully cleared the road Gorbachev and Yeltsin. This is also an example of the exacerbation of class struggle. We are not talking about what happened during the "restructuring" when the anti-Soviet forces were on horseback and did everything possible to eliminate socialism.
All this for us is a lesson for the future. When our country again becomes socialist, we must put the Leninsky-Stalin-Stalinist Thesis on the exacerbation of the class struggle as the construction of socialism increases.

Great Overaced Chief. Lies and the truth about Stalin Poyalov Igor Vasilyevich

Excusing class struggle

From the submemblingment Khrushchev report "On the cult of personality and its consequences", the official Soviet propaganda was not tired of changing the "erroneous Stalinist thesis" about the exacerbation of the class struggle as it moves to socialism:

"In the report of Stalin at the February-March Plenum of the Central Committee of 1937" On the lack of party work and measures of the liquidation of Trotskyist and other two-handers ", an attempt was made to theoretically justify policies. mass repressions Under that preteral, as we move forward to socialism, the class struggle should be allegedly more and more sharpened. At the same time, Stalin claimed that he learns the story, so teaches Lenin. "

Let's start with the fact that Lenin really expressed similar ideas. So, on March 29, 1920 in the reporting report of the Central Committee of the Central Committee, the Congress of the RCP (b), he stated:

"On our revolution, more than another was confirmed by the law that the power of the revolution, the power of the onset, energy, determination and the celebration of her victory strengthen along with the power of resistance from the bourgeoisie. Than we win more, the more capitalist exploiters learn to unite and go to more decisive offensive. "

However, we will not be stripped by the halving court "Marxists", diligently sorting the Leninsky quotes extended from the context to justify the next zigzag of the general line of the party. Still, 1920 is one thing, and the 1937th is another. Yes, and Lenin is not a sacred Scripture.

"It is necessary to smash and discard away the rotten theory that with each promotion ahead of the class struggle should have every more and more fond that as we successfully, the class enemy would like more and more manual.

This is not only a rotten theory, but also a dangerous theory, for she shifts our people, turns them into a trap, and the class enemy makes it possible to recover to combat the Soviet power.

On the contrary, the more you will move forward, the more you will have success, the more the remnants of the broken exploitative classes will be angry, the sooner they will go to the more acute forms of struggle, the more they will diffane in the Soviet state, the more they will be enough for the most desperate Fighting means, as the latest means of doomed.

It should be borne in mind that the remnants of broken classes in the USSR are not alone. They have direct support from our enemies outside the USSR. It would be mistaken to think that the sphere of class struggle is limited to the limits of the USSR. If one end of the class struggle has its own action within the framework of the USSR, then its end is stretched within the bourgeois states around us. This can not not know the remnants of broken classes. And it is precisely because they know about it, they will continue to continue their desperate bars.

So teaches us a story. So teaches us Leninism.

It is necessary to remember all this and be alert. "

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On the exacerbation of class struggle as we move to socialism

"In the report of Stalin at the February-March Plenum of the Central Committee of 1937," On the shortcomings of party work and measures of the liquidation of trotskyist and other two-handers ", an attempt was made to theoretically justify policies of mass repression under the pretext, which, as we move forward to socialism, the class struggle should allegedly all More and more aggravate. At the same time, Stalin claimed that he learns the story, so teaches Lenin. "

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: "From the point of view of logic, it seems to me at least stupid: why, when power, the state is strengthened," disguised opponents "should become bigger? After all, the chances to undermine the system becomes less!"

Such bewilderment I meet for the first time, so I will give the original Stalin text, from which the context will become more understandable, and the exact meaning of the Stalinist words.

"On the same line, on the line of the issue of NEP and class struggle in the conditions of NEPI would like to note another fact. I mean the statement of one of the comrades that the class struggle in the conditions of the NEPA in connection with the bilbo houses would be as if only a three-sen importance that it, this very class struggle, does not and can not have any serious meaning in The case of our difficulties on bakery.

I have to say, comrades that I can not agree with this statement. I think that we do not have and cannot be in the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, not any serious political or economic fact that would not reflect the presence of a class struggle in the city or in the village. Does the NEP cancel the dictatorship of the proletariat? Of course not! On the contrary, NEP has a peculiar expression and instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Isn't the dictatorship of the proletariat not a continuation of the class struggle? (Voices: "True!") How can I say that the class struggle plays a three-sided role in such important political and economic facts, as a performance of fists against Soviet politics during payments, countermeasures and offensive actions of Soviet power against fists and speculators in connection With bilboodaments?

Isn't it a fact that during the harvesting crisis on bread, we had the first in the face of NEP a serious performance of the capitalist elements of the village against Soviet politics?

Is there no more classes and class struggles in the village?

Isn't it true that Lenin's slogan on a support for the poor, Union with a middle peasant and fighting fists is the main slogans of our work in the village in the present conditions? And what is this slogan, how not to express class struggle in the village?

Of course, our policy cannot be considered a policy of inciting class struggle. Why? Because the inciting class struggle leads to the Civil War. Because, since we are now standing in power, Zero soon we have strengthened this power and team heights concentrated in the hands of the working class, we are not interested in the class struggle to take the form of civil war. But this does not mean at all that thereby canceled class struggle or that it, this very class struggle, will not exacerbate. This does not mean that the class struggle does not seem to be the crucial force of our move forward. No, does not mean.

We are often talking that we are developing the socialist forms of trade in the field of trade. What does it mean? This means that we are thereby outer thousands of small and medium traders from commerce. Is it possible to think that these traders displaced from the sphere will sit silently, not trying to sorganize resistance? It is clear that it is impossible.

We are often talking that we are developing socialist forms of farms in the field of industry. What does it mean? This means that we displace and ruin, maybe, without noticing, with their promotion to socialism thousands and thousands of small and medium-sized industrial capitalists. Is it possible to think that these ruined people will sit silently, not trying to sorganize resistance? Of course, it is impossible.

We are often talking that it is necessary to limit the exploitative communities of fouls in the village, which should be imposed on the fist of high taxes, which must be limited to the right of rent, prevent the rights of the elections of fists to the councils, etc., and the like. What does it mean? This means that we davir and close gradually the capitalist elements of the village, bringing them sometimes to ruin. Is it possible to assume that fists will be grateful to us for this, and that they will not try to sorganize a part of the poor or middings against the policies of Soviet power? Of course, it is impossible.
Isn't it clear that all our promotion is ahead, each of our social success is a serious success in the field of socialist construction is the expression and the result of the class struggle in our country?

But of all this implies that as we move forward, the resistance of capitalist elements will increase, the class struggle will be exacerbated, and the Soviet power, the forces of which will increase more and more, will pursue the policy of isolation of these elements, the policy of decomposition of the working class enemies finally, the policies of the resistance of the exploitation Creating a base for further promotion of the working class and the main masses of the peasantry.

It is impossible to represent the case that the socialist forms will develop, crowding out the enemies of the working class, and the enemies will retreat silently, giving way to our promotion, which we will again move forward, and they - again retreat back, and then "unexpectedly" without exception Social groups, both fists and the poor, both workers and capitalists, will be "suddenly", "imperceptibly", without struggle and disturbing, in the Lohn of Socialist Society. There are no such fairy tales and cannot be at all, in the setting of the dictatorship of the proletariat - especially.

It did not happen and there will be no thorough classes to surrender their positions, without trying to sorganize resistance. It did not happen and will not be that the promotion of the working class to socialism in a class society could do without struggle and disturbing. On the contrary, the promotion to socialism cannot but lead to the resistance of the exploitative elements of this promotion, and the resistance of the exploiters cannot but lead to the inevitable exacerbation of the class struggle.

That is why it is impossible to sleep the working class conversations about the secondary role of class struggle. "

Stalin I.V. About industrialization and bread problem. Speech on July 9, 1928 at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) // Stalin I.V. Works. T.11.-M.: State Publishing House of Political Literature, 1953. C.168-171.

Thus, the Stalinist Thesis was expressed in 1928 and concerned the period of eliminating private trade, industry and fools, which in response to such government policies inevitably had to strengthen their resistance. And, as we now know, strengthened up to the organization "Holodomor" of 1932/33, underground anti-Soviet groups, terror, inseparation, etc.

Expressing his thesis, Stalin, of course, did not look at the next few years, however, later this thought discovered in itself deep meaningwho himself most likely did not invest in it at that moment - after all soviet Socialism was crushed from the inside known to us today social groupwho realized their unity, their special interests and led their struggle against socialism. And call this group class, and its struggle - class struggle - let modern Marxists think ..

July 9, 1928 Joseph Stalin put forward his famous thesis on the exacerbation of the class struggle as we move towards socialism.

He began speech at the plenum of the Central Committee according to: "Of course, our policies can not be considered a policy of inciting class struggle. Why? Because the inciting class struggle leads to the Civil War. Because, since we are now standing in power, Zero soon we have strengthened this power and team heights concentrated in the hands of the working class, we are not interested in the class struggle to take the form of civil war. But this does not mean at all that thereby canceled class struggle or that it, this very class struggle, will not exacerbate. This does not mean that the class struggle does not seem to be the crucial force of our move forward. No, does not mean. "

And finished it with the words: "There was no and there will be no thorough classes to give up voluntarily their position, not trying to sorganize resistance. It did not happen and will not be that the promotion of the working class to socialism in a class society could do without struggle and disturbing. On the contrary, the promotion to socialism cannot but lead to the resistance of the exploitative elements of this promotion, and the resistance of the exploiters cannot but lead to the inevitable exacerbation of the class struggle. That is why it is impossible to sleep the working class conversations about the secondary role of class struggle. "

Soon after the death of Joseph Stalin, it was exactly what he warned. For words about "developed socialism" and that in the USSR de exists "two classes and one social layer", which are not at the same time in the state of class struggle, the USSR has come to death to death. Grew and realized the unity of their interests party nomenclature, which has changed the country to swim on yachts, buy football clubs and build palaces on the ruble or in Koncha-Zaspa.