"... But the departure of the Reds did not mean the end of the bloody drama. The unrestrained white terror begins. Massive flogging of the population, brutal massacres of the Red Army men and those who sympathize with the Soviet regime created ill fame for the Kolchak people. In each of the 36 volosts of the Kungur district, the Whites shot 10-20 people and “taught” 50-70 people with rods. The workers of the Pashi plant were arrested on the slightest suspicion of “involvement in Bolshevism.” The arrest was usually followed by beatings and executions. 22 people were whipped to death. A public mass flogging was staged by the White Guards in Solikamsk. even women and old people. Several people were shot in front of everyone. Mass executions are carried out in Perm. More than a hundred pro-Bolshevik workers of Motovilikha were shot on the Kama ice and lowered into an ice hole. About three hundred Red Army prisoners were killed on the ice of Sylva. More than 8 thousand Red Army men and sympathizers. the Soviet regime was shot in the Kizelovsky district. I carried out the reprisals from the Cherdyn, Solikamsk and Perm prisons. Sometimes the communists and their supporters, after being humiliated alive, were lowered into an ice-hole or, with blows of rifle butts and bayonets, they were pushed into flooded mines. In Nytva, in broad daylight, on the market square, brutalized soldiers of the assault battalion of Colonel Urbanovsky hacked to death with sabers and stabbed with bayonets more than a hundred captured Red Army soldiers and local residents suspected of sympathizing with the Soviet regime. The element of white terror terrified even the White Guard leaders themselves. But they could no longer curb the bestial instincts of the war veterans drunk with blood, and therefore were forced to turn a blind eye to these extreme manifestations of misanthropy generated by the fratricidal war. This, by the way, is one of the differences between the white terror and the red one, which was encouraged by the Bolshevik leaders as a necessary instrument in politics.
"The military authorities, up to the very youngest, are in charge of civil affairs, bypassing direct civilian authority," the head of the Ural Territory, Postnikov, wrote to the Kolchak ministers in early 1919. "Massacre without trial, flogging even of women, death of those arrested" on the run ", arrests on denunciations, transfer of civil cases to military authorities, prosecutions for slander and denunciations ... Hundreds of mass graves were discovered in the Kama region after Kolchak's retreat. The number of victims of the White Terror is also incalculable, just like the victims of the Red Terror.
(A. Suslov Faces of terror // Pages of the history of the Perm land. Part II. Perm, 1997.

And here is another text found on the hard drive, apparently copied from some Internet discussion,
entitled
"About the controversy around the civil war and the red terror" -

“When Admiral Kolchak was established on the throne, his guardsmen arranged not only the Bolsheviks, but also the Socialist-Revolutionary Mensheviks in the directory such a bloody bath, which those who survived in it remembered with shudder for many years. One of them is D.F. Rakov managed to send a letter from prison abroad, which the Socialist-Revolutionary Center in Paris published in 1920 in the form of a brochure entitled "In the dungeons of Kolchak. Voice from Siberia ".
What did this voice tell the world community? “Omsk,” Rakov testified, “simply froze with horror. While the wives of the murdered comrades day and night searched for their corpses in the Siberian snows, I continued my painful sitting, not knowing what horror was going on behind the walls of the guardhouse. there were an infinite number, at least not less than 2500 people.
Whole carts of corpses were transported through the city, as they carry in winter lamb and pork carcasses. Mainly the soldiers of the local garrison and workers suffered ... "(pp. 16-17).
But the scenes of Kolchak's massacres, sketched, so to speak, from nature: "The murder itself presents a picture so wild and terrible that it is difficult to talk about it even for people who have seen a lot of horrors both in the past and in the present. underwear: the killers obviously needed their clothes. They beat them with all kinds of weapons, except for artillery: they beat them with rifle butts, stabbed them with bayonets, chopped them off with sabers, fired at them from rifles and revolvers. Not only the perpetrators were present at the execution, but also the audience. This public N. Fomin (Socialist-Revolutionary - P.G.) was inflicted 13 wounds, of which only 2 were gunshot. It's hard for me, it's hard for me now to describe how they tortured, mocked, tortured our comrades "(pp. 20-21).
What follows is a story about one of the countless Kolchak torture chambers. "The prison is designed for 250 people, and in my time there were more than a thousand ... The main population of the prison are Bolshevik commissars of all kinds and types, Red Guards, soldiers, officers - all at the front-line military field court, all people awaiting death sentences. The atmosphere is tense to the extreme. A very depressing impression was made by the soldiers arrested for taking part in the Bolshevik uprising on December 22. All these are young Siberian peasant guys who have nothing to do with either the Bolsheviks or Bolshevism. The prison situation, the proximity of imminent death made them walking dead. with dark, earthy faces. All this mass is still waiting for salvation from new Bolshevik uprisings "(pp. 29-30).
Not only prisons, but the whole of Siberia was filled with the horrors of reprisals. Against the partisans of the Yenisei province, Kolchak sent Punisher General Rozanov. “Something indescribable has begun,” Rakov reports. “Rozanov announced that for every soldier killed in his detachment, ten people from the Bolsheviks who were in prison, all of whom were declared hostages, would be invariably shot. Along with the Bolsheviks, the Social Revolutionaries were shot ... that when the Rozanov's detachments approached, at least the male population scattered across the taiga, involuntarily replenishing the insurgent detachments "(p. 41).
Let's leaf through the diary of Baron A. Budberg - after all, Kolchak's Minister of War. What did the baron tell about, writing not for the press, but, so to speak, confessing to himself? Kolchak's regime appears from the pages of a diary without makeup. Observing this very power, the baron is indignant: “Even a reasonable and impartial right ... meanness, cowardice, ambition, greed and other delights monstrously growing here "(see Archive of the Russian Revolution. Berlin, vol. XIII, p. 221). And one more thing: "The old regime is blooming in the most terry color in its most vile manifestations ..." (Ibid .: 221). Lenin was right when he wrote that the Kolchaks and Denikins carry on their bayonets a power that is "worse than the tsarist."
All those who specialize in exposing the Soviet "emergency", Baron Budberg invites to look into Kolchak's counterintelligence. "Here counterintelligence is a huge institution, warming up whole crowds of self-seekers, adventurers and the scum of the late secret police, insignificant in terms of productive work, but thoroughly saturated with the worst traditions of the former guards, detectives and gendarmes. All this is covered by the highest slogans of the struggle to save the homeland, and under this debauchery, violence, waste of state funds and the wildest arbitrariness reign as a veil "(ibid., vol. XIV, p. 301). Readers probably have not forgotten that this is evidenced by the Minister of War Kolchak and that we are talking about the sharpest weapon of the White Terror.
In Budberg's diary we read: “Kalmyk's saviors (we are talking about the detachments of the Ussuri Cossack ataman Kalmykov. - PG) show Nikolsk and Khabarovsk what the new regime is; everywhere there are arrests, executions, plus, of course, the abundant annexation of cash equivalents into vast pockets The allies and the Japanese know all this, but no measures are being taken. Such monstrous things are told about the exploits of the Kalmykites that one does not want to believe "(vol. XIII, p. 258). For example: "The degenerates who came from the detachments boast that during the punitive expeditions they gave the Bolsheviks to punish the Chinese, having previously cut the sinews under the knees (" so as not to run away "); from those buried in ("to make it softer to lie") "(p. 250).
This is what the ataman Kalmykov, the "younger brother" of the Trans-Baikal ataman Semyonov, did. And what did the "elder brother" do? Here is a frank confession of the commander of the American troops in Siberia, General V. Grevs: were of such a nature that they will undoubtedly be remembered and retold among the Russian people 50 years after their accomplishment "(Grevs V. American adventure in Siberia. M., 1932, p. 238).
As you can see, there are enough facts. And most of the evidence here comes not from the Bolsheviks, but from their opponents. So, maybe it’s enough to lie about "isolated excesses"?

In the émigré and foreign Sovietological literature, Kolchak's regime and actions are clearly romanticized. S. P. Melgunov saw in Kolchak's tragedy not only his personal drama of the collapse of hopes and shattered illusions, but also the tragedy of the country, the time of whose revival "has not yet come." He believed that Kolchak's death marked the end of the state-organized anti-Bolshevik struggle in Siberia. Many Sovietologists call Kolchak a "sufferer" for Russia. R. Pipes writes about Kolchak as follows: “... his political and social orientation was deeply liberal. Kolchak gave solemn obligations to respect the will of the Russian people, expressed through free elections. He also pursued a progressive social policy and enjoyed the strong support of peasants and workers. "

Among Soviet historians and publicists, a more liberal assessment of what happened and the leaders of the white movement has recently appeared, a desire to move away from denigrating the activities of whites, not to believe that all of them were striving only for the restoration of pre-revolutionary Russia. The authors saw in the white regimes an alternative to the path paved by the Bolsheviks. And in Kolchak - an unmercenary person who did not have any personal wealth, the pride of the Russian fleet, a man whose one year of participation in the anti-Soviet struggle, according to Soviet historians, crossed out all his previous merits. Despite the desire of individual historians to note a certain "democracy" of the Kolchak government at certain stages of its reign, they are unanimous in assessing the identity of punitive processes, terror, carried out by both red and white. In April 2002, in the building of the Marine Corps in St. Petersburg, a memorial plaque was unveiled in honor of its graduate, Kolchak. However, in November 2001, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation refused to rehabilitate Kolchak, since he "did not stop the terror against the civilian population carried out by his counterintelligence."

Approximately the same assessments in Soviet and foreign historiography of the role of General Denikin and the regime he created in the vast territory of southern Russia in 1919.

Anton Ivanovich Denikin (1872-1947) from an officer's family, graduated from the Academy of the General Staff, a participant in the First World War, in 1917 - commander of the Western and Southwestern fronts, lieutenant general. Since January 1919 - Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. The regime he established in the North Caucasus, Don, Ukraine, part of Russia is characterized in the Soviet encyclopedia about the civil war as "the military dictatorship of the bourgeois-landlord counter-revolution." Denikin himself called the policy he was pursuing as a tactic of "non-determination", which, in his opinion, should have united all anti-Bolshevik forces. Such a position, he wrote, made it possible to maintain a bad peace and go one way, albeit in succession, looking suspiciously at each other, enmity and melting in the heart - some republic, others - monarchy.

In the 1920s, Soviet historians wrote about Denikin in a slightly different way, describing him as a politician who sought to find “some kind of middle line between extreme reaction and 'liberalism', and in his views 'approached right-wing Octobrism'”. Later, his regime began to be viewed more straightforwardly: Denikin's rule was an unlimited dictatorship. The first publication of "Sketches of Russian Troubles" in Denikin's homeland caused new assessments of both his work and military-political activity. LM Spirin in the preface to one of the magazine editions "Sketches" called Denikin a nobleman with a "semi-Cadet, semi-monarchist attitude", a man devoted to Russia. Analyzing Denikin's work, Spirin summed up that he was pursuing a policy that aimed at overthrowing Bolshevik rule with the help of the army, “dictatorship in the person of the commander-in-chief”, restoring the forces of “state and social peace”, creating conditions “for building land by the conciliar will of the people”, “ the establishment of order ”,“ the protection of the faith ”, the creation of a society in which there will be“ no class privileges, but “unity with the people” will take place. "

Kolchak and Denikin were professional military men who loved the country in their own way and were ready to serve it the way they imagined its present and future. Why was the experience of their regimes, especially for the peasants, so difficult that they rebelled in masses, moreover in Siberia, where there were no landowners and their return to the peasants was not threatened? It is now known that out of about 400 thousand Reds who acted in the rear of the Whites during the civil war, 150 thousand were in Siberia, and among them there were about 4-5% of those who were then called well-to-do, or kulaks. In this regard, White's loss on the "home front" was obvious. Both whites and reds at that time were simultaneously building similar state formations, where the implementation of a given idea prevailed over the value of human life, despite many declarative statements by the authorities.

GK Gins, manager of the affairs of the Kolchak government, in 1921 in Harbin published the book "Siberia, the allies and Kolchak." He testified that the admiral hated the "Kerensky" and out of hatred for her "allowed the opposite extreme: excessive" military ", which Kolchak had repeatedly told him that" the civil war must be merciless. " Hins cited as evidence of the atrocities of the military authorities a memorandum from the head of the Ural Territory, engineer Postnikov, who resigned in April 1919. Postnikov refused to fulfill his duties and listed 13 points why he did it. The engineer wrote: “I cannot lead a hungry land, held in hidden calm by bayonets ... The dictatorship of military power ... irregularity of actions, reprisals without a trial, flogging even women, death of those arrested“ while fleeing, ”arrests based on denunciations, surrender of civil affairs to the military authorities, persecution by slander ... - the head of the region can only be a witness of what is happening. I do not know of a single case of bringing to justice a soldier guilty of the above, and civilians are imprisoned for one slander. " Postnikov painted a difficult picture: “There is typhus in the provinces, especially in Irbit. There are horrors in the camps of the Red Army: 178 out of 1600 died in a week ... Apparently, they are all doomed to extinction. "

During interrogation, Kolchak refused everything connected with the White Terror, citing ignorance. He "for the first time" heard that in the Omsk counterintelligence one of the communists was brutally tortured, pulled on a rack, etc., demanding a confession that he was a member of the party committee; I did not know that hostages were shot for the murder of any of the officials, that villages were burned when weapons were found among the peasants. He admitted only isolated cases. He was told that in one village the noses and ears of the peasants were cut off. Kolchak admitted that it is possible, "it is usually done in war and in struggle."

“Having hung several hundred people on the gates of Kustanai, having shot a little, we spread to the village ... - the commander of the dragoon squadron, Kappel's corps, the head captain Frolov, - up to 55 years of age, then let the "rooster" go. After making sure that ashes remained from Kargalinsk, we went to church ... It was Holy Thursday. On the second day of Easter, Captain Kasimov's squadron entered the rich village of Borovoe. There was a festive mood on the streets. The men hung out white flags and went out with bread and salt. Constipation of several women, having shot two or three dozen peasants on a denunciation, Kasimov was going to leave Borovoe, but his "excessive softness" was corrected by the adjutants of the chief of the detachment, lieutenants Umov and Zybin. By their order, rifle fire was opened in the village and part of the village was burnt ... These two lieutenants became famous for their exceptional cruelty, and their names will not soon be forgotten by the Kustanai district. "

“A year ago,” Budberg wrote in his diary on August 4, 1919, “the population saw us as deliverers from the grievous commissar captivity, but now they hate us just as they hated the commissars, if not more; and, even worse than hatred, it no longer believes us, it does not expect anything good from us ... The boys think, - he continued, - that if they killed and tortured several hundreds and thousands of Bolsheviks and muffled a number of commissars, they did a great deed by this , dealt a decisive blow to Bolshevism and brought closer the restoration of the old order of things ... Boys do not understand that if they indiscriminately and restrain raping, whipping, robbing, torturing and killing, then by doing this they inculcate such hatred for the power they represent that the Bolsheviks can only rejoice in the presence so diligent, valuable and beneficial employees for them. " Life has failed, ideals have been ruined, Budberg concluded; It is impossible to live like that, such a power must be overthrown, violence, bullying, humiliation must be fought.

Recently, they began to write again about Kolchak's Izhevsk division, the main contingent of which was made up of workers. This division was one of the most efficient, and it was allowed to fight under the red banner and "Varshavyanka". It was them that Trotsky ordered to destroy everyone indiscriminately: after all, from the point of view of the Bolsheviks it looked "ridiculous" - the workers' division is fighting against the power of the party of the proletariat. Instead of condemnation by Soviet historians of the actions of the Izhevsk workers who joined the ranks of Kolchak's army, notes of sympathy for them have now appeared in the historical literature. We will try only to briefly answer one question: did this division take part in punitive actions, was it, by virtue of its "class consciousness", more loyal to the population than other Kolchakites? This can be judged by the following episode. On the night of 1 to 2 July 1919, partisans attacked the division's guard at the railway bridge, wounding two soldiers. The commander of the Izhevsk division, General V. M. Molchanov (1886-1975), ordered: “When attacking the guards and damaging h. e. to make circular arrests of the entire male population over the age of 17. If the extradition of the intruders is delayed, shoot everyone without mercy as accomplices-harboring ... Immediately open fire from all guns and destroy the barrack part of the village as retaliation for the attack on the night of July 2 on the guard of unknown persons hiding in the barrack part. " The Izhevsk residents opened fire from the cannons, and the workers of the Kusinsky plant family who lived in the barracks were killed. It is not for nothing that the Izhevsk people were called varnaks (convicts, robbers).

The established system of unbridled terror was one of the most characteristic features and foundations of military dictatorships. The class origin of the performers did not matter. There are many private examples of ruthlessness, or, conversely, of some kind of mercy.

"Shooting" was one of the most popular words in the vocabulary of the Civil War. This word was immortalized by General Kornilov, who in the summer of 1917 introduced the death penalty and military courts at the front, many generals used it as a talisman, establishing discipline in the units entrusted or plundering the population. Trotsky approached him more than once pathetically, believing that it would be impossible to create an army without repression ...

Both the Leninist Council of People's Commissars and the Kolchak government first declared themselves provisional pending the decision of the Constituent Assembly, and then quickly usurped executive and legislative functions. Both claimed to become all-Russian and unite their supporters. The difference in the conduct of the punitive policy consisted in the proclamation by the Bolsheviks of the "revolutionary sense of justice", and the Kolchakites - the "legal system". But, perhaps, in recognizing arbitrariness and rejecting legal jurisprudence, the Bolsheviks were more frank and did not disguise their actions. Both reds and whites used the experience of the tsarist police, the secret police and the gendarmerie in the formation and activity of the punitive bodies, with the only difference that the former refused the services of the former police officers and tried them, the latter were recruited into the service. Although due to a small salary (a policeman received 425 rubles, a typist in the Kolchak department - 675 rubles), the former policemen were not eager to join the militia of the supreme ruler because of the dangerous service. In a review of the activities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the government of V. N. Pepelyaev (October 1919), it was noted that persons with police experience “in most cases avoid service in the police, since it is currently extremely dangerous and does not represent those material benefits that can be obtained even with the most primitive labor. "

Two weeks after coming to power, Kolchak, on December 3, 1918, signed a decree on the broad introduction of the death penalty. Shooting or hanging were declared for "an encroachment on the life, health, freedom or general immunity of the supreme ruler or for the violent deprivation of him or the council of ministers of power", for "encroachment on overthrowing or changing the current state system." Anyone guilty of insulting the supreme ruler in words, in letters or in print was punished by imprisonment.

A few days after the November coup, a council of the supreme ruler was formed, in which the post of Minister of Internal Affairs was taken by the cadet A. N. Hattenberger. On his proposal to fellow party member V. N. Pepelyaev (1884-1920) to choose his place of service, he chose the department of militia and state security. He was characterized by "a blind hatred of the Bolsheviks ... With this hatred could only compete with his contempt for the masses, whom he considered possible to be easily disposed of by means of violence." In early 1919, Pepeliaev became Minister of Internal Affairs. Under him, special units began to form under the Ministry of Internal Affairs in each province up to 1200 people, state security was issued to prevent and suppress state crimes. The minister liquidated all organizations of national self-government in Siberia, suggesting that those who wished to do this should be flogged.

Army commanders, commanders of individual detachments, and governors often acted independently. On April 5, 1919, the commander of the western army, General MV Khanzhin (1871–1961), ordered all the peasants to surrender their weapons, otherwise the perpetrators would be shot and their property and houses burned; On April 22, 1919, the commandant of Kostanay proposed flogging to death the women who sheltered the Bolsheviks. In March 1919, the governor of the Yenisei province, Troitsky, proposed toughening the punitive practice, not observing the laws, and being guided by expediency. In July 1919, lists of Soviet workers in Simbirsk (53 people) were presented to the manager of the special department of the militia department, who were to be shot if the city was occupied. The Kolchakites failed to capture Simbirsk, and in Bugulma, out of 54 arrested people, more than half were shot. The lawlessness in relation to the population was intensified by the actions of detachments not controlled by the government, which secretly encouraged their punitive functions. During interrogation, Kolchak said that the spontaneously created military detachments assumed the functions of the police and created counterintelligence themselves. Then "arbitrary arrests and murders became commonplace." Kolchak got the impression that such counterintelligence "was created on the model of those that existed in Siberia under Soviet rule." To combat lawlessness, the Siberian government "according to the revolutionary tradition" appointed commissioners-commissioners under the commanders of the fronts. But they were powerless in front of such autocratic generals as R. Hyde (1892-1948), who carried out mass executions of prisoners of war. Or General S. N. Rozanov (1869-1937). Kolchak's minister Sukin wrote about him: “In carrying out his punitive tasks, Rozanov acted as terror, revealing extreme personal cruelty ... the shootings and executions were merciless. Along the Siberian railway, in those places where the rebels with their attacks interrupted the railway track, he hung the corpses of the executed ringleaders on telegraph poles for admonition. The passing express trains watched this picture, to which everyone treated with philosophical indifference. Whole villages were burned to the ground. "

In the middle of 1919, information agencies were created in the armies of Kolchak with the task of helping to "raise the spirits" of the troops and the population, and an irreconcilable attitude towards the Bolsheviks. As the military setbacks progressed, Kolchak's generals became more and more brutal. On October 12, 1919, General K. V. Sakharov (1881-1941), the commander of the Western Army, issued an order requiring the execution of every tenth hostage or inhabitant, and in the event of a massive armed uprising against the army, the execution of all residents and the burning of the village to the ground. Kolchak propagandist informants presented acts of repression as measures necessary to establish "law and order." In fact, this was an excuse for the same arbitrariness and lawlessness of the authorities, the same as the Reds did. The terror regime provoked retaliatory actions of the peasants who became partisans, and destabilized the regime.

Memories of participants and eyewitnesses of the civil war in Siberia testified to the criminal terrorist activities of many Kolchak generals, especially the atamans G.M.Semenov and I.M. Kalmykov. American General V. Graves recalled: “The soldiers of Semyonov and Kalmykov, under the protection of Japanese troops, flooded the country like wild animals, killed and robbed the people, while the Japanese could have stopped these killings at any time if they wanted. If at that time they asked what all these brutal murders were about, they usually received an answer that those killed were Bolsheviks, and this explanation, obviously, satisfied everyone. Events in Eastern Siberia were usually presented in the darkest colors and human life there was not worth a penny.

In Eastern Siberia, there were horrific murders, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as is usually thought. I will not be mistaken if I say that in Eastern Siberia for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were a hundred people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements. " Graves doubted whether it would have been possible to point to any country in the world over the past fifty years where murder could be committed with such ease and with the least fear of responsibility, as in Siberia during the reign of Admiral Kolchak. Concluding his memoirs, Graves noted that the interventionists and White Guards were doomed to defeat, since "the number of Bolsheviks in Siberia by the time of Kolchak had increased many times in comparison with their number at the time of our arrival."

In the memoirs of those who survived the years of the civil war, detachments of various chieftains, who preferred to act on behalf of the regular armies, left a particularly bad memory. In the Urals, Siberia and the Far East they were BV Annenkov (1890–1927), at the end of 1919 the commander of Kolchak's separate Semirechye army; AI Dutov (1879–1921), commander of the Orenburg army; G. M. Semenov (1890-1946), at the end of 1919 - the commander-in-chief of all rear forces of the Kolchak army; and other, smaller atamans, despite the general ranks bestowed on them by Kolchak: I. M. Kalmykov (? -1920), I. N. Krasilnikov (1880-?).

In May 1926, the Chekists began investigative case No. 37751 against ataman Boris Annenkov. He was 36 years old at the time. He said about himself that of the nobility, he graduated from the Odessa Cadet Corps and the Moscow Alexander Military School. He did not recognize the October Revolution, the Cossack centurion at the front, decided not to carry out the Soviet decree on demobilization and in 1918 appeared in Omsk at the head of the "partisan" detachment. In Kolchak's army, he commanded a brigade, became a major general. After the defeat of the Semirechye army, he left for China with 4 thousand soldiers.

The four-volume investigative case, which accuses Annenkov and his former chief of staff, N. A. Denisov, contains thousands of testimonies from plundered peasants, relatives of those killed at the hands of bandits who acted under the motto: “We have no bans! God and Ataman Annenkov are with us, cut right and left! "

The indictment told about many facts of the atrocities of Annenkov and his gang. At the beginning of September 1918, the peasants of the Slavgorod district cleared the city of the guards of the Siberian regional workers. Annenkov's "hussars" were sent to pacify. On September 11, a massacre began in the city: on that day, up to 500 people were tortured and killed. The hopes of the delegates of the peasant congress that “no one would dare to touch the people's deputies were not justified. Annenkov ordered all the arrested delegates of the peasant congress (87 people) to be hacked up in the square opposite the people's house and buried in a pit right there. " The village of Black Dol, where the headquarters of the rebels was located, was burned to the ground. The peasants, their wives and children were shot, beaten and hung on poles. Young girls from the city and nearby villages were brought to the Annenkov train at the Slavgorod station, raped, then taken out of the cars and shot. Blokhin, a participant in the Slavgorod peasant performance, testified: the people of Annenko were executed terribly - they pulled out their eyes, tongues, removed the stripes on their backs, buried the living in the ground, tied them to horse tails. In Semipalatinsk, the ataman threatened to shoot every fifth if he was not paid an indemnity.

Annenkov and Denisov were tried in Semipalatinsk, where they were shot on August 12, 1927 by a court verdict.

Orenburg Cossack Ataman Dutov was a colonel, a participant in the First World War. He supported the Samara Komuch. But his repressive orders were not gentle. On August 4, 1918, he established the death penalty for the slightest resistance to the authorities and even for evading military service. On April 3, 1919, already commanding a separate Orenburg army, Dutov ordered to decisively shoot and take hostages for the slightest unreliability. Dutov received extraordinary powers from the komchevites to restore "order" in the region, even before Kolchak came to power. He immediately recognized the high command of the admiral and subordinated his army, his will and the execution of orders to him.

Ataman Semyonov was tried in 1946. He was arrested by Smersh counterintelligence officers in Mukden on August 26, 1945, when Soviet troops entered the city. At the very first interrogation, Grigory Semyonov said that he was a Cossack, born in 1890, an esaul in the tsarist and a lieutenant general in the Kolchak army, since January 1920 - the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Eastern Siberia, that he had been an enemy of Soviet power all his adult life.

Back in the fall of 1917, in Petrograd, with the help of two cadet schools, he wanted to arrest Lenin and the leadership of the Petrograd Soviet and to behead the revolutionary movement. He met with M.A.Muravyov, the head of the defense of Petrograd, the commander of the troops participating in the suppression of the Kerensky-Krasnov rebellion, and invited him with a company of junkers to occupy the building of the Tauride Palace, arrest all members of the Council and immediately shoot them in order to present the city garrison with a fait accompli ... But Muravyov, Semenov later wrote, "did not have enough determination to play the role of the Russian Bonaparte, for which he certainly prepared himself from the very beginning of the revolution."

Semenov admitted that during the years of the civil war he waged a merciless struggle against the Bolsheviks and everyone who sympathized with them. “I sent punitive detachments to the regions of Transbaikalia to deal with the population that supported the Bolsheviks, and destroyed the partisans,” he said. Semyonov reported numerous cases of executions of those who were for the Soviets. During interrogation on August 13, 1945, Semyonov's associate, former Major General L. F. Vlasyevsky, said: “The White Cossack formations of Ataman Semyonov brought a lot of misfortune to the population. They shot persons suspected of something, burned villages, robbed residents who were noticed in any actions or even disloyal to Semyonov's troops. Particularly distinguished in this are the divisions of Baron Ungern and General Tierbach, which had their own counterintelligence services. But the greatest atrocities were nevertheless repaired by the punitive detachments of the military elders Casanov and Filshin, the centurion Chistokhin and others, who were subordinate to Semenov's headquarters. " In one of the letters of the former Siberian partisans to the Semyonov trial, it was noted: “We recall the nightmarish rampant of the White Guard Semyonov and interventionist gangs, organized by them Chita, Makoveev, Daurian torture chambers, where thousands of our torture chambers died at the hands of these executioners without trial or investigation. the best people. We also cannot forget the Tatarskaya Pad, where they brought in whole echelons of Red Guards and Red Partisans suicide bombers, shot them with machine guns, and accidentally killed those who survived in the most brutal way. " Former partisans demanded from the court the harshest sentence for Semyonov on behalf of "orphans, fathers, mothers, wives who died at the hands of these executioners."

At the trial, Semenov found it difficult to answer the question of where, when and how many people were executed by his order.

“Prosecutor: What specific measures did you take against the population?

Semenov: Compulsory measures.

Prosecutor: Were executions used?

Semenov: We did it.

Prosecutor: Did they hang it?

Semyonov: They shot.

Prosecutor: Did you shoot a lot?

Semyonov: I cannot say now how many were shot, since I was not always directly present at the executions.

Prosecutor: A lot or a little?

Semenov: Yes, a lot.

Prosecutor: Have you used other forms of repression?

Semenov: They burned villages if the population resisted us. "

It turned out that Semenov personally endorsed death sentences and supervised torture in dungeons, where up to 6.5 thousand people were tortured. The former partisans and the Semenovites themselves told about the executions and torture of peasants, prisoners of the Red Army, Bolsheviks and Jews.

During interrogation on August 16, 1946, Semyonov stated that in 1920 in Chita he seized two carriages of gold worth 44 million rubles. Of these, 22 million were received by the Japanese, 11 million were spent on the needs of the army, some were captured by the Chinese.

On August 26-30, 1946, under the chairmanship of V.V. Ulrich, Semyonov and his associates were tried: A.P. Baksheev, deputy chieftain, founder of punitive squads in the villages; LF Vlasyevsky - chief of the office, head of the Semyonov counterintelligence; BN Shepunov - a punitive officer; I. A. Mikhailov - Minister of Finance in the Kolchak government; K. V. Rodzaevsky - the head of the Russian fascist union; N. A. Ukhtomsky, a journalist who praised the activities of the chieftain; L.P. Okhotin - a punitive officer. The court sentenced Semyonov to death by hanging; Rodzaevsky, Baksheev, Vlasyevsky, Shepunov and Mikhailov - to be shot; Ukhtomsky and Okhotina - to hard labor. Then, on August 30, the sentence was carried out.

They were different people who, by the will of fate, ended up in the same sentence list. The son of the People's Will Mikhailov. "I did not sympathize with the Soviet government," he said during interrogation, "I consider it the expression of the interests of only one working class, and not all working people." Prince Ukhtomsky, son of the chairman of the Simbirsk zemstvo council, lawyer and journalist. In emigration he listened to the lectures of Bulgakov and Berdyaev, interviewed Kerensky, Prince Lvov and others. And the head of the Russian fascist union Rodzaevsky, who called for the establishment of a "new order" in Russia, the extermination and deportation of Jews, etc. Semenov at one time supported him and even on March 23, 1933, he sent a letter to Hitler: "I express the hope that the hour is not far off when the nationalists of Germany and Russia will stretch out their hands to each other ... I send you and your government ... my heartfelt bow and best wishes ..." Therefore, attempts to somehow rehabilitate Semyonov, it is possible to accept him as a tragic figure in Russian history only in terms of understanding the civil war itself as a national tragedy. Semyonov was one of the many executioners of his people, whose punitive actions cannot be justified by any "best intentions." He was cruel in carrying out his plans and imposing by force the moral principles and ideology that seemed correct to him. “We waited for Kolchak as Christ's day, but we waited for it as the most predatory beast,” wrote the Perm workers on November 15, 1919. Kolchak declared himself a supporter of democracy. But the prime minister of his government P.V. Vologodsky wrote in his diary that then the military ruled, who "did not reckon with the government and did such things that our hairs on our heads stood on end." Indeed, the order of the Kolchak government allowed the military to pass death sentences themselves, which intensified the punishers. This has multiplied extrajudicial executions, lynching. The investigation, the prosecutor's office and the courts were too politicized to make objective decisions.

The repressive policy pursued by the government of General Denikin was of the same type as that pursued by Kolchak and other military dictatorships. The police, in the territory subordinated to Denikin, were called state guards. Its number reached almost 78 thousand people by September 1919. (Note that Denikin's active army then had about 110 thousand bayonets and sabers.) Denikin, like Kolchak, in his books in every possible way denied his participation in any repressive measures. “We, both I and the military leaders,” he wrote, “gave orders to combat violence, robberies, robberies, etc. But these laws and orders sometimes met stubborn resistance from an environment that did not accept their spirit, their crying ". He accused the counterintelligence, covering the territory of the south of the country with a dense network, of being "sometimes hotbeds of provocation and organized robbery."

First, a confirmation of what Denikin wrote about. “Having occupied Odessa, the volunteers first of all set about a cruel reprisal against the Bolsheviks. Each officer considered himself entitled to arrest anyone he wanted and deal with him at his own discretion. " There were many self-appointed intelligence agencies that were engaged in extortion, looting, bribes, etc. This is the testimony of one of its former bosses. An eyewitness, a Novorossiysk journalist, continues: what was happening in the torture chambers of the city's counterintelligence was reminiscent of "the darkest times of the Middle Ages." Denikin's orders were not followed. The cruelties were such that even the front-line soldiers "blushed". “I remember that one officer from Shkuro's detachment, from the so-called 'Wolf Hundreds', distinguished by monstrous ferocity, told me the details of the victory over Makhno's gangs, who, it seems, had seized Mariupol, even choked when he named the number of those who had already been shot, already unarmed opponents: four thousand! " Counterintelligence developed its activities to the point of limitless, savage arbitrariness, witnesses of those days said.

Other Denikin authorities acted in the same spirit. The Yekaterinoslav governor Shchetinin ordered to shoot the arrested peasants from machine guns. In December 1919, Kutepov ordered that prisoners in the city's prisons be hung on lanterns along the central street of Rostov. Terrible legends circulated about the robberies of the Cossacks in the occupied Tsaritsyn and Tambov.

The main principle of the supporters of the white and red terror is intimidation by the method of quick action. It was frankly expressed by the Don general S. V. Denisov (1878-1957): “It was difficult for the authorities ... It was not necessary to have mercy ... Each order - if not a punishment, then a warning about it ... Persons caught in collaboration with the Bolsheviks had to be without mercy exterminate. Temporarily it was necessary to confess the rule: "It is better to punish ten innocent people than to acquit one guilty one." Only firmness and cruelty could give the necessary and quick results. " Whites found the moral justification for their cruelty in the red terror, the red in white. The principle of ancestral blood feud absorbed common sense, was encouraged and promoted by the authorities. The first thing that the Denikinites did when they entered Kharkov was dug up the graves of those executed by the Chekists. The corpses were put on display and became the basis for the execution and lynching of Soviet employees.

On July 30, 1919, Denikin signed a resolution of a special meeting with the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the South of Russia on the activities of the judicial investigative commissions. On the basis of this decree, Soviet workers were sentenced to death and confiscation of property, sympathetic to the commissars - to various terms of hard labor. The attitude towards prisoners of war was cruel, with whom both sides dealt mercilessly. Later Denikin admitted that violence and robbery were inherent in red, white, green. They "filled the cup of people's suffering with new tears and blood, confusing in their minds all the" colors "of the military-political spectrum and more than once erasing the features that separated the image of the savior from the enemy." He wrote this later, after the end of the civil war, understanding what he had done and his own defeat. And then, when the army of many thousands was subordinated to the general, he had no doubts about the importance of a brutal punitive policy as an instrument of achieving power. Although in his memoirs Denikin recognized "Russian liberalism" as his worldview, "without any party dogmatism", this did not prevent him from advocating for "a single and indivisible Russia", being merciless towards those who saw a threat to the empire - the separatists and nationalists. Hence his conflicts with representatives of independent Ukraine, Kuban autonomists, etc.

Denikin recalled that counterintelligence followed the troops. Counterintelligence departments were created not only by military units, but also by governors. Counterintelligence, according to him, were "hotbeds of provocation and organized robbery." He reported on the huge role of propaganda - the Information Agency (Oswaga), created at the end of 1918. Its main leaders were the cadets H. Ye. Paramonov, K. N. Sokolov and others. Osvag set the task of "permanent eradication of the evil seeds sown by the Bolshevik teachings in the immature minds of the broad masses" and the defeat of the "citadel built by the Bolsheviks in the brains of the population."

Oswag published newspapers and magazines, and by the fall of 1919 it had over 10,000 full-time employees and hundreds of local branches. Employees of the propaganda department also followed "everyone", up to Denikin, and compiled secret dossiers on individuals and parties.

Typical documents are the Oswag reports. Called to glorify the white army, the employees of the department had to not forget the realities. On May 8, 1919, in the period of Denikin's successes, Oswag reported that "the masses are completely indifferent to the future state building, striving only to end the civil war and to equalize all strata of the population with respect to their rights." The report noted that the relationship between residents and military units is "intensely hostile." The soldiers take away horses, cattle, carts, get drunk and rampage. May 10: "The success of our campaign is largely harmed by the bad behavior of the military ranks," who rob and brutally crack down on the population. It was supposed to notify about the investigation of illegal actions, pay compensation to the robbed, etc. May 20: the robbery leads to the fact that the peasants of the regions where the Volunteer Army was, “completely not sympathizing with the“ commune, ”nevertheless wait for the Bolsheviks as a lesser evil, in comparison with volunteers "Cossacks" ".

First of all, for propaganda purposes, the "Special Commission for the Investigation of the Atrocities of the Bolsheviks" was created on April 4, 1919, with the task of "revealing in the face of the entire cultural world the destructive activities of organized Bolshevism." The commission was headed by Denikin, and after his resignation - by Wrangel. The publication of the documents was intended not so much for the Russian philistine as for creating anti-Bolshevik public opinion in the Entente countries and in emigration circles.

The punitive policy of the Whites was not much different from similar actions of the Reds. The cadet N. N. Astrov, who had the most direct relation to the development of the internal policy of the Denikin government, admitted: “Violence, flogging, robbery, drunkenness, vile behavior of local authorities, impunity for obvious criminals and traitors, poor, mediocre people, cowards and libertines on the ground, people who brought with them old vices, old inability, laziness and self-confidence. " Those historians are right who admit that the foundations of the future state structure of the country, its internal policy, developed, for example, by Denikin's jurists, had almost no practical significance.

Denikin's biographer D. V. Lekhovich wrote that one of the reasons for the failures of the white movement in southern Russia was that the general failed to prevent cruelty and violence. But the Reds carried out the same terror and managed to win. Perhaps the point is in the goals and consistency of the policy pursued, and not in the methods of its implementation, which often looked identical. General V.Z.May-Mayevsky explained to Wrangel that officers and soldiers should not be ascetics, that is, they could rob the population. To the bewilderment of the baron: what is the difference under these conditions will be between us and the Bolsheviks? - the general replied: "Well, the Bolsheviks are winning."

All of Denikin's armies did not escape active participation in plunder of the population, participation in Jewish pogroms, executions without trial or investigation. A vivid evidence of this is the diary of A.A. von Lampe, a participant in Denikin's epic. On July 20, 1919, he wrote that whites from the Volunteer Army raped peasant girls and robbed peasants. November 13, 1919: "... Several Bolshevik nests were liquidated, stocks of weapons were found, 150 communists were caught and liquidated by the court-martial." On December 15, Lampe reported on the order of the commander of the Kiev group of white troops, who publicly refused to thank “the Tertsy who were in the Belaya Tserkov-Fastov region in September, who covered themselves with indelible shame with their pogroms, robberies, violence and who showed themselves to be mean cowards ... 2) Volgan detachment ... disgraced himself by violating the solemnly given to me the word to stop systematic robberies and violence against civilians ... 3) the Ossetian regiment, which turned into a gang of single robbers ... ". About the same - in private letters: “The Denikin gangs are terribly atrocities against the inhabitants who remained in the rear, and especially against the workers and peasants. First, they beat with ramrods or cut off parts of a person's body, such as an ear, nose, gouge out eyes, or a cross is carved on the back or chest "(Kursk, August 14, 1919). “I never imagined that Denikin's army was engaged in robberies. Not only soldiers were robbed, but also officers. If I could imagine how the white winners behave, I would undoubtedly hide the underwear and clothes, otherwise there is nothing left ”(Orel, November 17, 1919).

During the reign of Denikin, Black Hundred monarchist organizations with pogrom programs became widespread. Based on numerous facts about Jewish pogroms, it is calculated: under Denikin there were at least 226. Historians wrote about the general's anti-Semitic policies, although he himself later did not admit it. Keane wrote that under Denikin, Jews were not allowed into the army and government service; Fedyuk - about anti-Semitism as a persistent element of the ideology of the Russian White Guards; NI Shtif named the facts of the pogroms in Ukraine. “Where the Volunteer Army set foot, everywhere the peaceful Jewish population became the subject of cruel reprisals, unheard-of violence and humiliation ... Jews died in thousands, victims of the Volunteer Army, gray-bearded“ communists ”caught in the synagogue behind tomes of the Talmud,“ communists ”as babies along with their mothers and grandmothers. The percentage of tortured old people, women and children is striking in any list. " Among the reasons for the anti-Semitic sentiments of the white officers, the authors name the presence of Jews among the Bolshevik leadership and the betrayal of the allies in the First World War.

The Frenchman Bernal Lekache was one of the defenders of the artisan Schwarzbard, who killed S. Petliura in 1926 in Paris in revenge for the numerous Jewish pogroms in Ukraine in 1918–1920. In order to collect testimonies from the victims, Lekash in August - October 1926 traveled to a number of cities and towns of Ukraine and upon his return published a book published with a foreword by R. Rolland. According to Lekash's calculations, 1295 Jewish pogroms were committed during the civil war in Ukraine, and all of them (add the pogroms in Belarus and Russia, committed by both white and red) resulted in 306 thousand deaths.

Lekash did not explain the reasons for the incident. He cited the testimony of witnesses, photographs of the deceased, funerals, documents. In Uman, the bandits, who replaced each other in March, April and May 1919, robbed, raped, and killed. “The pogrom on May 13 and 15 is taking on an unprecedented scale,” he wrote from eyewitnesses. - They shoot continuously, in houses and on the streets. The Furers have eleven family members: first, they kill old people; the women were thrown to the ground and their heads were crushed with stones; the genitals of children and men were chopped off. Of the eleven people, nine were killed. The next day, 28 Jews and Jewish women are caught and taken to the commandant's office. There they are beaten and taken to the square, already covered with corpses and covered in blood. In turn, they are shot not without denying themselves the pleasure of “playing ball” with their heads. Later, when tracing and dismantling corpses, they can only be identified by their clothes. " Why such cruelty, soullessness? It is impossible to give a logical answer. That is why, probably, he wrote in the introduction to the book by Rolland: “The most terrible - the only terrible - is the thousands of unknown people who tortured, tortured the unfortunate victims, brought them to the highest degree of suffering. These people ... Who knows how many of them meet with us, collide with us in everyday life ... "

The XX century became a time of national catastrophe for Jews, only 6 million Jews became victims of fascism. The Holocaust (the destruction of the people, Jews just because they are Jews) has matured gradually. The past has shown that public opinion defended the individual (the French Jewish officer Dreyfus; in Russia - M. Beilis, accused of various "Jewish sins"), but did not defend the mass extermination of people, which was the Russian-style Holocaust that occurred during the Civil War.

On March 27, 1920, Denikin left Novorossiysk on the Captain Saken destroyer. By that time, the regime he created had suffered a military and political defeat. Shortly before leaving, he signed an order to transfer command of the essentially defeated army to General Pyotr Wrangel. The baron, General P. N. Wrangel (1878–1928), was a participant in the Russo-Japanese and World Wars, and commanded the armies near Denikin. He became the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the South of Russia at a time when only the territory of Crimea remained at his disposal. The baron understood that the Crimean province alone could not defeat the other 49. But, while in Crimea, he was preparing large-scale programs to attract the population to his side: agrarian, labor, national.

In later published memoirs, Wrangel told how in January 1918 he was arrested and almost shot in Yalta by revolutionary sailors. Then he offered his services to Denikin and began to command the cavalry division. He wrote about the looting of the Cossacks Shkuro and V.L. Pokrovsky (1889-1922). And he tried to justify the brutality of the conditions of the war. Because “it was difficult, almost impossible to eradicate in the Cossacks, completely robbed and ruined by the Reds, the desire to take away the stolen goods and return all that was lost ... The Reds mercilessly shot our prisoners, finished off the wounded, took hostages, raped, robbed and burned the villages. Our units, for their part ... did not give the enemy mercy. They did not take prisoners ... Having a lack of everything ... the units involuntarily looked at the spoils of war as their own good. Fighting it ... was almost impossible. " He also wrote about what he wanted, but could never prevent the execution of the wounded and captured Red Army soldiers.

Wrangel, becoming the new military dictator, decided, taking into account Denikin's failures, to pursue a "leftist policy with his right hands." Under him, the influence of the Cadets on the development of domestic policy decreased, and the former tsarist dignitaries increased. The government of the South of Russia (Prime Minister - A. V. Krivoshein) in its declarations proposed to the peoples of Russia "to determine the form of government by free expression of will"; to the peasants - the Law on Land, according to which part of the landowners' lands (in estates over 600 dessiatines) could go into the ownership of the peasantry with the purchase of land at 5 times the value of the crop with an installment plan for 25 years; workers were guaranteed state protection of their interests from the owners of enterprises. The political goal was defined as follows: "The liberation of the Russian people from the yoke of the communists, vagabonds and convicts who have completely ruined holy Russia."

One of the main reasons for the collapse of Denikin's armies, Wrangel considered the lack of responsibility for the implementation of laws. Therefore, he strengthened prosecutorial supervision and created special military-judicial commissions at military units. Cases of murders, robberies, robberies, thefts, arbitrary and illegal requisitions were subject to their consideration. For criminal and state crimes, they were supposed to be shot or imprisoned. In his memoirs, Wrangel tried to show himself as a champion of law and order. However, the realities were often different. And the task of violent suppression of dissidents, submission to the authorities with the help of terror remained unchanged. As well as the harsh measures proposed by the opposing sides. On April 29, 1920, Wrangel ordered to "mercilessly shoot all commissars and communists taken prisoner." Trotsky, in response, suggested issuing an order "on the total extermination of all persons of the Wrangel command staff captured with weapons in their hands." Frunze, then the commander of the Southern Front, found this measure inappropriate, since there are many Red defectors among the Wrangel commanders, and they easily surrender without the threat of being shot.

AA Valentinov, an eyewitness and participant in the Crimean epic of Wrangel, published a diary in 1922. He wrote down on June 2, 1920, that because of the robberies, the population called the Dobrarmia - “the robbery”. Record on August 24: “After lunch I learned interesting details from the biography of Prince. M. - adjutant gene. D. is famous for the fact that last year he managed to hang 168 Jews for two hours. He takes revenge for his relatives, who were all massacred or executed by order of some Jewish commissar. A striking example for reasoning about the need for a civil war. " Former chairman of the Tavricheskaya provincial zemstvo council V. Obolensky came to the conclusion that under Wrangel "mass arrests were still made not only of the guilty, but also of the innocent; as before, simplified military justice performed its punishment over the guilty and innocent." He said that the former police officer General EK Klimovich invited by Krivosheev was full of anger, hatred and personal revenge, and for Obolensky there was no doubt that in the police work in Crimea "everything will remain as before." In his story, indignation at the cruelties of that time. “One morning,” he recalled, “children going to schools and grammar schools saw the terrible dead people hanging on the lanterns of Simferopol with their tongues protruding ... This Simferopol had never seen during the entire civil war. Even the Bolsheviks did their bloody deeds without such proof. It turned out that it was General Kutepov who ordered to terrorize the Simferopol Bolsheviks in this way. " Obolensky emphasized that Wrangel always took the side of the military in pursuing a punitive policy. He was echoed by the journalist G. Rakovsky, close to Wrangel: “The prisons in Crimea, as before, and now, were overcrowded by two-thirds of those accused of political crimes. Most of them were servicemen arrested for careless expressions and critical attitude towards the high command. For months, in appalling conditions, without interrogation and often without charge, the political prisoners languished in prisons, awaiting the decision of their fate ... me Wrangel ... If you only read Wrangel's orders, then you might really think that justice really reigned in the Crimean courts. But it was only on paper ... The main role in Crimea ... was played by courts-martial ... People were shot and shot ... Even more of them were shot without trial. General Kutepov said bluntly that 'there is nothing to start a judicial gimmick, shoot and ... that's all.'

General Ya. A. Slashchov (1885–1929), one of the leaders of the Volunteer Army, became famous for his particular cruelty during the military dictatorship of Wrangel. From December 1919, he commanded an army corps defending the Crimea. I set my own regime there. “You can, of course, imagine what a heavy atmosphere of lawlessness and tyranny the Crimea was enveloped in at that time. Slashchov reveled in his power ... literally mocked the unfortunate and downtrodden population of the peninsula. There were no guarantees of personal inviolability. Slaschov's jurisdiction ... was reduced to executions. Woe was the one to whom Slashchov's counterintelligence paid attention, ”Rakovsky wrote.

After the defeat, Slashchov fled to Turkey. There, by order of Wrangel, a commission was created to investigate the Slashchov-Krymsky case. He was tried for helping the Bolsheviks with his policy of terror. The highest ranks of the White Army, included in the commission, decided to demote Slashchov to the rank and file and dismiss him from the army. In 1921 Slashchov returned to Russia. This was facilitated by the authorized Cheka, Ya. P. Tenenbaum, who persuaded the general to return. The decision to return a group of Wrangel officers to Russia was discussed at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) in early October 1921. Lenin abstained from voting. Trotsky communicated his opinion to Lenin in a note: “The Commander-in-Chief considers Slashchov to be worthless. I am not sure if this review is correct. But it is indisputable that with us Slashchov will only be 'worrisome uselessness'. "

Upon his return, Slashchov wrote his memoirs, in which he stated: "I regard the death penalty as intimidation of the living, so as not to interfere with work." He accused counterintelligence of lawlessness, robbery and murder, but about himself he said that he had never signed a single secret death sentence. May be. But he signed orders for executions all the time. D. Furmanov, who helped Slashchov write his memoirs and edited them, noted in the preface how 18 people were shot in Voznesensk and 61 in Nikolaev, on the orders of the general. In Sevastopol on March 22, 1920, the court heard the case of the "ten" "about the alleged uprising." A court-martial acquitted five. Upon learning of this, Slashchov rushed to the city, took the acquitted with him at night and shot them in Dzhankoy. Responding to a request about this, he said: "Ten scoundrels were shot by the verdict of a military-field court ... I just returned from the front and I think that only because in Russia we have only Crimea left, that I rarely shoot the scoundrels in question." ... Furmanov believed that Slashchov the executioner was a living embodiment of the old army, "the sharpest, most authentic."

Returning to Moscow, Slashchov publicly repented, was amnestied and began to work at the Higher Tactical Rifle School of the Red Army. For myself and my family, I asked the GPU authorities to provide security. In response, F. E. Dzerzhinsky wrote: “We cannot give currencies or values ​​to support his family. We also cannot give him a certificate of personal immunity. General Slashchov is well known to the population for his atrocities. And we don't need to keep him under guard. " On January 11, 1929, Slashchov was killed in his Moscow apartment by L. L. Kolenberg, a student of the "Shot" course, saying that he committed the murder in revenge for his brother, who was executed by order of Slashchov in the Crimea, and Jewish pogroms.

The former party archive of the Crimean OK of the CPSU contains many documents - evidence of the atrocities and terror of the White Guards. Here are some of them: on the night of March 17, 1919, 25 political prisoners were shot in Simferopol; On April 2, 1919, in Sevastopol, counterintelligence killed 10-15 people daily; in April 1920, there were about 500 prisoners in the Simferopol prison alone, and so on.

The punitive actions of Kolchak, Denikin and Wrangel hardly differed in any way from similar actions by generals Yudenich near Petrograd or Miller in the north of the country. There are many similarities in all terror. As IA Bunin wrote in his diary entry on April 17, 1919: “Revolutions are not made with white gloves ... Well, be indignant that counter-revolutions are made with iron fists,” and especially cursed the punitive policy of the Bolsheviks. The similarity was primarily in the fact that all military dictators were combat generals. H. N. Yudenich (1862-1933) - General of Infantry, participant in the Russian-Japanese and World War, in 1917 - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front. On June 10, 1919, Kolchak was appointed commander-in-chief of the white troops in the north-west of Russia, in 1920 he emigrated. EK Miller (1867-1937) - Lieutenant General, participant in the war with Germany, in May 1919 Kolchak was appointed commander-in-chief of the white troops of the Northern Region, since February 1920 - an emigrant.

There were governments under the dictator generals. In October 1919, the Minister of Justice of the Yudenich government, Lieutenant Colonel E. Kedrin made a report on the establishment of the State Commission for the Fight against Bolshevism. He considered it necessary to investigate not individual "crimes", but "to embrace the destructive activities of the Bolsheviks as a whole." According to the minister, everyone should be punished, since "experience has shown that leaving the most insignificant participants in a crime without repression leads to the need to deal with them over time as the main culprits of another homogeneous crime." The report proposed to study Bolshevism as a "social disease" and then develop practical measures "for a real struggle against Bolshevism not only within Russia, but also in the entire world." This report remained an armchair undertaking, testifying to the fact that the Yudenich government considered the Bolsheviks to be its main enemy. The realities were more severe and cruel.

In May 1919, the detachments of General SN Bulak-Balakhovich (1883-1940) appeared in Pskov, and right there people began to hang people in the city, and not only Bolsheviks. V. Gorn, an eyewitness, wrote: “People were hanged during the entire period of the management of the 'whites' in the Pskov region. For a long time, Balakhovich himself ordered this procedure, reaching almost to sadism in mockery of the doomed victim. He forced the person to be executed to make a noose and hang himself, and when a person began to suffer greatly in the noose and swing his legs, he ordered the soldiers to pull him down by the legs. " Horn reported that similar terrible customs were in Yamburg and other places where Yudenich's troops were stationed. He admitted that in the field of domestic politics the North-West government was "completely powerless" that it was not possible to punish a single executioner officer. N. N. Ivanov saw in the robbery of the population one of the reasons for Yudenich's defeat.

General Miller was no less cruel. It was he who signed on June 26, 1919 the order on the Bolshevik hostages who were shot for attempting to kill an officer, knowing that there were not so many Bolsheviks among the several hundred arrested Bolsheviks. It was he who introduced overtime work in factories, severely punishing them for "sabotage". By order of the general, from August 30, 1919, not only Bolshevik propagandists, but also members of their families were arrested, property and land plots were confiscated. By order of Miller, a convict prison for political criminals was created in Johang, unsuitable for human habitation. Soon, out of 1200 prisoners, 23 were shot for disobedience, 310 died of scurvy and typhus, eight months later no more than a hundred prisoners remained healthy. A member of the Miller government, B.F.Sokolov, later in his memoirs came to the disappointing conclusion that military dictatorships led by generals, and not strategically minded politicians, could not win the civil war in Russia. “The example of the Bolsheviks,” he wrote, “showed that a Russian general is good when his role is limited to execution. They can only be, but no more than the right hand of a dictator - the latter can be by no means a Russian general. "

All the white dictator-generals had an anti-Bolshevik program, they all acted under the same motto: "With the Russian people, but against the Bolshevik regime." And they were defeated by a stronger dictatorship, which managed to achieve more both in the organization of the army, and in the equally ruthless attitude towards the population, and in the political perspective of stupefying the masses, which more clearly defined the mentality of society's rejection of obsolete social relations. Politicians used this desire for something new more effectively than generals. During the years of the civil war, the Soviet and all anti-Bolshevik governments were characterized by a tendency to administer, to resolve complex issues by force, everywhere the level of legal protection of citizens was very low. The leaders of the white movement, more than the representatives of the Reds at that time, talked about the creation of a rule of law, but these statements, as a rule, remained declarative. White government law enforcement was unsuccessful. At first, the arrival of the whites aroused sympathy among the population, but soon the attitude towards them became hostile and hostile. This was primarily the result of the punitive policies of the white governments and the military.

Continuing the BeloEmoGrant post with excerpts from the film Admiral

The release of the ideological blockbuster "Admiral Kolchak" is an obvious preparation of the ground for a new international occupation and division of the country. Having become an agent of British intelligence long before February, Kolchak was “recognized” as the “Supreme Ruler of Russia” in order to formalize the partition of the Russian Empire. By the way, the recent review of the Kolchak case refused to rehabilitate, confirming his status as a war criminal, equal to that of Raduev and Basayev. Does Ernst's film fall under the propaganda of terrorism?

"The Kolchak government cannot hold out without the open support of our government. Thanks to our timely and active support, Kolchak will hold out, we will be in an advantageous position to assist and lead the reconstruction of Russia ..."
Morris, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Aug 16, 1919

The history of the so-called. The "civil war" is, first of all, the history of international intervention and the not quite successful partition of the former Empire. Documents testify: without Kolchak, appointed by the interventionist countries as the "supreme ruler", Russia, albeit a Soviet one, would not have lost the Baltic states, Western Ukraine and Belarus. The persistent rehabilitation of Kolchak is the preparation of a new international intervention, which is being prepared by the entry into NATO not only of the Baltic states, but also of Ukraine ...

Perhaps the best primary source on Kolchak is the official protocols of his interrogation during the trial (published in the "Library of Military Literature", from which one can clearly see the dummy nature of his power and complete dependence on the invading countries, between which he humiliatedly maneuvered during his "reign" ...

The reports also clarify the system of terror and punitive measures deployed in Siberia by Kolchak and his subordinates.
An interesting moment: back in the 90s, there was an attempt to rehabilitate Kolchak as an "innocent convict." On the initiative "from above", the Kolchak case was reviewed by the military court of the ZabVO, but no rehabilitation followed.

Having studied the archival file of "Kolchak", the court found that the investigation (January-February 1920) had collected sufficient evidence that from 1918 to 1920. by order of Kolchak, not only military actions were carried out, but also "massive repressions were carried out against the civilian population."
The court's ruling noted that Kolchak himself, during interrogation, testified that, on his initiative, the rights of the military to use reprisals against the civilian population were expanded. As a result, his "field commanders", without legal "red tape", issued orders for taking hostages, mass executions, and burning villages, whose residents were only suspected of supporting the Reds. Specials were made. barges for the destruction of those arrested on the way. The Kolchak government assigned monetary awards to the military, depending on the number of "rebels" killed by them.

Kolchak's crimes against the state (espionage, cooperation with the invaders) were not considered by the court for a number of reasons.

Thus, the official legal status of Kolchak is a war criminal executed by a lawful court sentence for armed terror against civilians - in particular, for the seizure and execution of hostages and mass extrajudicial repressions. In other words, in legal terms, Kolchak's status is absolutely equivalent to the status of the same Basayev, Raduev, or the terrorists from Beslan and Nord-Ost.

Meanwhile, over the past time, laws on terrorism and extremism have been adopted, according to which the glorification and glorification of notorious terrorists and war criminals, including Kolchak, and even with the use of the media, is a crime.
In this case, the prosecutor's office is simply obliged to give a legal assessment of the actions of citizens who erect monuments to the war criminal Kolchak and shoot pretentious films about him. So, in accordance with the letter of the law, immediately after the release of the film on the screen, the producer of "Admiral Kolchak" Ernst should at least be summoned to the prosecutor's office to provide explanations, and potentially testify.
And by no means as a witness. It is possible that in doing so he will justify himself by referring to instructions from the Kremlin or the United Russia campaign headquarters, but this will only expand the circle of suspects.

The law is strong, but it's law. But which prosecutor will decide on its execution, gentlemen?
A. Ermolaev

Kolchak's rehabilitation - preparation of a new intervention and division of the Russian Federation?

In conclusion, we give two informative publications on the facts of the biography of the war criminal Kolchak:

Newspaper "Leninsky Put" N1, 2000, Usolye-Sibirskoye

In recent years, it is considered good form to romanticize Kolchak. In Irkutsk, they gasped about the theatrical premiere of "The Admiral's Star". In Usolye-Sibirskoye, where there is a monument to the victims of the Kolchakites, one of the city newspapers gave birth to an anniversary article, which began pathetically - sublimely:
"The star of Admiral Kolchak was Russia. And he gave himself to her without a trace." The same can be said of Hitler: "Adolf's star was great Germany, and he died for her." And Yeltsin's star was democratic Russia, for which he tore his heart out. It is necessary to evaluate the leader by what he brought to the people (the majority, the minority). For which Russia did Kolchak act? For the sake of Russia, a prosperous minority and such a majority, for which the whites have prepared the position of cattle. It is not surprising that the policy against the majority failed, the people, with a sense of their own dignity awakened at that time, did not tolerate oppression and rebelled. In 1919, two-thirds (!) Of Kolchak's troops were engaged in punitive operations in their rear. Kolchak had a huge territory, a large stock of grain not exported from Siberia, an echelon of gold, the support of the Entente ... Siberian peasants, who did not know landowners and land shortages, received benefits from Soviet power less than other peasants, but living near Kolchak made them ardent supporters, power everywhere, even before the arrival of the Red Army, it passed into the hands of the partisans.

Now let us examine the means by which Kolchak's anti-popular policy was carried out. There were few who wanted to fight the workers of Central Russia; Kolchak began to carry out violent mobilizations. The peasants who were hiding from them were severely punished, and the innocent also suffered. This gave rise to partisans and deserters. In response, the escalation of the punitive war with the burning of villages, flogging, executions of everyone in a row.

The gold reserve was spent selectively: Kolchak regularly paid foreigners from it for military supplies (the Entente took from him over a third of Russia's gold reserve - 184 tons), promised his soldiers each 500 gold ducats (plus a land allotment), but Kolchak preferred to rip off the population 1-2 skins in the form of food and transport (why pamper the peasants, let them tear them away from themselves for the sake of a holy cause). In the northern villages of the Irkutsk province, according to the testimony of the living Usolsk veteran S.M. Navalikhin, some priests even anathematized Kolchak (brought it!). But at the beginning of the Kolchak regime, the clergy joined the regiment of I. Christ as soldiers (don't kill !?). But by spinning the flywheel of terror, giving free rein to his guardsmen, Kolchak showed the true face of the "white idea."

Here his Minister of Internal Affairs V.N. Pepeliaev on the results of the investigation of peasant unrest in the Kansk district (from A. Aldan-Selinov's book "Red and White"):

- Your Excellency, on the Angara, punitive people hang people completely without sense, especially the ataman Krasilnikov is mad.
- What is he doing?
- You announced an amnesty to the partisans. One hundred and thirty men returned home from the taiga. Krasilnikov immediately hung them up as Bolsheviks.
- It can't be!
- Sorry, Your Excellency, but ...
- What else is Krasilnikov doing?
- He shoots priests, village elders, gendarmes who honestly served us. "This priest has not changed yet, but it can change, therefore it is better to hang the priest." But other chieftains are no better, - Pepeliaev reassured Admiral, - Annenkov, Kalmykov, Semenov, Ungern. I can show you the documents about the monstrous torture ...
- No need ... Kolchak chose to "ignore" the atrocities of his henchmen, none of them was punished. And before the tribunal, he presented himself as an ignorant lamb. From the transcript of Kolchak's interrogation: - ... Three officers were sitting at the table (a court-martial - ed.), Bringing in the arrested. The officers said: "Guilty" - and people were killed. That's what happened.
“I don’t know about that.
- All Siberia knows about such lawlessness.
- I myself signed the charter of the courts-martial (and I myself gave them an order: if a hundred suspects of Bolshevism are arrested, shoot ten immediately - ed.).
“Even the courts-martial have clerical work. At least for the form, the indictment and the verdict are written, why didn't you have this?
- I am not aware of such procedures.
- How many, in your opinion, were shot in Kulomzin?
- Eighty or ninety.
- The British (who were also in the role of punishers - ed.) Said in a note that the uprising cost only a thousand lives. What cynicism - only a thousand lives.
- Didn't hear ...
- Have you heard of the flogging of workers either?
- I have forbidden corporal punishment.
- Do you know anything about torture?
- They did not report to me about them ...
- I myself have seen people tormented by ramrods. They were tortured in counterintelligence at the headquarters of the supreme ruler. Do you know that your authorized General Rozanov, the Governor-General of Krasnoyarsk, shot the hostages?
- I have forbidden such techniques.
- In Krasnoyarsk, ten Russians were shot for one killed Czech ...

And here is the memorandum of the Czech legionnaires.

“Under the protection of the Czechoslovak bayonets, the local Russian military authorities allow themselves actions that will horrify the entire civilized world. Burning out villages, beating up peaceful Russian citizens by hundreds, shooting without trial of representatives of democracy on a simple suspicion of political unreliability is a common occurrence ... "

The bourgeois media hide that the case of their beloved Kolchak, at the request of the "democrats", was recently reviewed by the military court of the ZabVO, but no rehabilitation followed. Having studied the archival file of "Kolchak", the court found that the investigation (January-February 1920) had collected sufficient evidence that from 1918 to 1920. by order of Kolchak, not only military actions were carried out, but also "massive repressions were carried out against the civilian population." The court's ruling noted that Kolchak himself, during interrogation, testified that, on his initiative, the rights of the military to use reprisals against the civilian population were expanded. As a result, his "field commanders", without legal "red tape", issued orders for taking hostages, mass executions, and burning villages, whose residents were only suspected of supporting the Reds. Specials were made. barges for the destruction of those arrested on the way. The Kolchak government assigned monetary awards to the military, depending on the number of "heads" destroyed by them. People were shot even if calloused hands were found: it means that the worker must be liquidated.

But maybe Kolchak became a criminal because of patriotism? Allegedly, in the fight against Bolshevism, he saw the continuation of the war with Germany, so he was wounded by the Brest Peace. Strange patriotism, for the sake of which one must torment one's homeland, exhausted by the world war, and kill one's compatriots. I would go partisan to the Ukraine and fight there against the German invaders, protesting against the Brest-Litovsk Peace. By the way, when Kolchak became supreme, the Soviet government had already annulled the predatory peace. And in general, was the truce with the Germans itself a whim or a necessity? Sadly, the army did not want to fight anymore (the opinion of representatives of all regiments of the active army was questioned) and voted for peace with "feet", mass desertion. "Patriots" such as Kolchak would stage massive round-ups and beatings of soldiers who left the front, but it would take another front (behind) to keep the external front of desperate men who do not want to fight.

But the Soviet government was worried about peace, because the country was simply NOT IN STATE to wage a war, it already sacrificed 7 million human lives for the interests of the allies (on the Eastern Front, Russia kept 6 million soldiers, holding down 139 enemy divisions, and its beloved With Kolchak, England on the Western Front kept a million-strong army, which was opposed by 40 divisions). So judge who is a patriot and who is a merchant (for foreign loans and military supplies) of Russian blood.

The Usolskaya newspaper reminds us: "Who else but Germany sent a sealed carriage with Lenin to Russia?" It would be nice to clarify that she did not "send", but let the carriage with Lenin from a neutral country, and not "sealed", but extraterritorial, that is. the passengers of the carriage had no connection with the Germans. But Kolchak was really sent by the interventionists, sniffed with them and was attached by them to the post of Minister of War of the All-Russian Provisional Government. Let's turn again to the protocol of Kolchak's interrogation. “I received a telegram from London. It was suggested to me to leave for Beijing to meet with the former tsarist ambassador.

He gave me the INSTRUCTIONS OF THE ANGIAN GOVERNMENT. I was asked to immediately gather forces to fight the Bolsheviks. ”So who is the agent?
The invaders (and the Czechs) famously dealt with the local Soviet authorities, but they did not want to put their heads in the war with the regular Red Army, for this they equipped Kolchak. "The uniform is English, the shoulder strap is French, the tobacco is Japanese - the ruler of Omsk." Kolchak was dissatisfied with such tactics of the allies: “One hundred thousand allied troops are in Siberia. They came, it would seem, to help me, but they are complacent in the rear. Hangars. Allies guard us from behind, but no one is guarding us from the front ... "(from the book" Red and White ").

Kolchak, bound hand and foot by his allies, could repeat until blue in the face (according to the Kolchakophiles) about "unshakable principles" about "that the idea of ​​a united and indivisible Russia will never give up", but this reminds of the delirium of the traitor Vlasov, when he fantasized that the Germans " help him "to overthrow the Bolsheviks, create a good (and according to Yeltsin" Great ") Russia and kindly step aside. So Hitler obeyed him! And the Entente at that time had their own interests, and Kolchak satisfied them (and where would he go?). Czech friends who got to Vladivostok on trains found a huge amount of gold, silver things, precious jewelry, paintings, carpets, sable furs; there were blood trotters in the boxcars. Kolchak granted the Americans in the concession the entire basin of the Lena River, the Trans-Alaskan Steamship Company - the rights to set up steamship lines between the Russian east and the American west; the British - the Urals, the Northern Sea Route, Altai ores; to the Japanese - the deposits of Transbaikalia, etc. etc. Patriot!

But maybe Kolchak is interesting as a person? In general, all the facts of Kolchak's biography, now presented as a revelation, have long been published in ordinary Soviet fiction, for example, in A. Aldan-Semenov's book "Red and White", published in 1979 with a circulation of 150 thousand copies (i.e. was in every library), but then these details and piquancy did not interest anyone. Just think, the bloody dictator loved the romance "Burn, burn, my star." The book also stated that Kolchak was a morphine addict (this was also mentioned in the diary of the commander of the interventionist troops Janin), but this did not hurt anyone then. One more sin, one less - what's the difference. Now our perception has changed: the long-term work of corpse eaters and gossips has not disappeared. Although, in principle, the assessment of the same Hitler does not change from the fact that he loved to draw and did not eat meat.

They say that Kolchak was not ambitious and did not strive for power. But what about his consent to a military coup in Omsk with the proclamation of himself as the supreme ruler? In recent years, among the Irkutsk intellectuals, a story about the opening of a university in Irkutsk by Kolchak has been popular. In fact, back in March 1918, i.e. under Soviet rule (Kolchak had just "sold his sword" to the British), Siberian newspapers reported on preparations for the opening of the university. Kolchak as an administrator Zhanen (diary) does not characterize: "His independent work is weak, in fact he is led by ... a group of ministers headed by Mikhailov, Gins and Telberg; this group serves as a screen for a syndicate of speculators and financiers."

As befits bourgeois leaders (Yeltsin and Putin take an example from them, showing off in the temple), Kolchak demonstrates himself as an exemplary Christian, which does not prevent him from having a mistress ("common-law wife") Timirev. Kolchak despised his people: "distraught, wild (and devoid of likeness), unable to get out of the psychology of slaves" (from a letter from Kolchak). Yes, now Kolchak in Irkutsk has erected a monument to the same despising working people "patriots", but attempts to blind a hero from Kolchak are useless, and the whole Kolchakiada is a disgusting slime of social racism.

It is symbolic that the "Admiral Kolchak" beer became the subject embodiment of the canonization of the dictator. As they say, there he goes - through the bladder into the toilet!

From me:

Mannerheim in Leningrad, for his participation in the BLOCADE was immortalized with a board. A monument to Kolchak was erected where he destroyed most of the people. And after the rehabilitation of Vlasov will they take up the rehabilitation of Hitler?

Blind Leaders of the Blind Documentary:

How and why did A. V. Kolchak come to Russia - British officer since December 1917

Not everyone knows about this. It is not customary to talk about this now for the same reason that in references to the legendary A.A. Brusilov will never say that he has become a red general. Sometimes, in disputes about Kolchak, they are asked to demonstrate a document with a contract. I don't have it. He is not needed. Kolchak himself told everything, everything is recorded on paper. Everything is confirmed by his telegrams to his mistress Timireva.

A very important and important question is what brought the British officer to Russia. Especially in light of the fact that some senators and zealots in memory of Kolchak are in favor of exhibiting monuments to him :

“There should be places of worship, monuments to the heroes of the Russian Army who laid down their lives and prosperity in the name of Russia, the Tsar and the Fatherland. A monument to Alexander Kolchak should appear in Omsk! "- © Senator Mizulina.

We will show that:

a) Kolchak really entered the service of the British crown;

b) Kolchak ended up in Russia on the orders of his new bosses. (At the same time, he himself did not aspire to Russia. Maybe he even hoped to avoid a visit.)

* * *

From the minutes of the meetings of the Extraordinary Investigative Commission.

“... Having pondered this question, I came to the conclusion that there is only one thing left for me - to continue the war, as a representative of the former Russian government, which had given a certain commitment to the allies. I held an official position, enjoyed his trust, it waged this war, and I must continue this war. Then I went to the British envoy in Tokyo, Sir Green, and expressed to him my point of view on the situation, saying that I did not recognize this government. (remember these words -arctus) and I consider it my duty, as one of the representatives of the former government, to fulfill the promise to the allies; that the obligations that were taken by Russia in relation to the allies are also my obligations as a representative of the Russian command, and that therefore I consider it necessary to fulfill these obligations to the end and wish to participate in the war, even if Russia made peace under the Bolsheviks. Therefore, I turned to him with a request to inform the British government that I am asking to be admitted to the British army on any terms. I do not set any conditions, but only ask to give me the opportunity to wage an active struggle.

Sir Green listened to me and said:

“I fully understand you, I understand your position; I will inform my government about this and ask you to wait for a response from the British government. "

Nevertheless, he had the opportunity to stay in the Russian Navy, there are many examples of naval senior officers, and the investigator draws attention to this:

Alekseevsky. At the time when you made such a difficult decision to enter the service of another state, even if it is a union or a former union, you should have had the idea that there is a whole group of officers who quite deliberately remain in the service of the new government in the Navy, and that among them there are well-known large figures ... large officers in the Navy, who deliberately went for this, such as Altfather* ... How did you feel about them?

Kolchak. Altfather's behavior surprised me, because if earlier the question was raised about what political beliefs Altfather was, then I would say that he was more of a monarchist. ... And the more I was surprised by its repainting in this form. In general, it used to be difficult to say what political convictions the officer had, since such a question simply did not exist before the war. If any of the officers asked then:

"Which party do you belong to?" - then, probably, he would answer: "I do not belong to any party and I am not involved in politics." (and now let us recall the above-mentioned words about non-recognition of the Bolshevik government, and we will carefully read the following -arctus )

Each of us saw that the government could be anything, but that Russia can exist under any form of government. You understand a monarchist as a person who believes that only this form of government can exist. As I think, we had few such people, and rather Altvater belonged to this type of people. For me personally, there was not even such a question - whether Russia can exist under a different form of government. Of course, I thought that she could exist.

Alekseevsky. Then, among the military, if not expressed, then there was still an idea that Russia could exist under any government. Nevertheless, when the new government was created, did you already think that the country could not exist under this form of government?

<…>

About two weeks later, a reply came from the War Office of England. I was first informed that the British Government readily accepts my offer to join the army and asks me where I would prefer to serve. I replied that when I turned to them with a request to accept me into service in the English army, I did not put any conditions and propose to use me as it found it possible. As to why I expressed a desire to join the army and not the Navy, I knew the English Navy well, I knew that the British Navy, of course, did not need our help.

<…>

A.V. Kolchak - A. Timireva :

... Finally, very late, the reply came that the British government was proposing that I go to Bombay and report to the headquarters of the Indian army, where I would receive instructions on my assignment to the Mesopotamian front.

For me, although I did not ask for it, it was quite acceptable, since it was near the Black Sea, where actions were taking place against the Turks and where I was fighting at sea. Therefore I readily accepted the offer and asked Sir C. Green to give me the opportunity to travel by steamer to Bombay.

A.V. Kolchak - A. Timireva :

“Singapore, March 16. (1918) Met by order of the British government return immediately to china for work in Manchuria and Siberia. It found it to use me there in the form of allies and Russia, it is preferable to Mesopotamia. "

... In the end, on the 20th of January, after a long wait, I managed to leave by steamer from Yokohama to Shanghai, where I arrived at the end of January. In Shanghai, I appeared to our Consul General Gross and the British Consul, to whom I handed a paper defining my position, asked his assistance to arrange me on a steamer and take me to Bombay at the headquarters of the Mesopotamian army. On his part, an appropriate order was made, but it took a long time to wait for the steamer. ...

When meeting with the first "whites" in Shanghai who came for weapons, Kolchak refuses to help, referring to his already new status and related obligations:

Then, back in Shanghai, I first met with one of the representatives of the Semyonov armed detachment. It was a Cossack centurion Zhevchenko, who was traveling through Beijing, was with our envoy, then went to Shanghai and Japan with a request for weapons for Semyonov's detachment. At the hotel where I was staying, he met with me and said that an uprising against Soviet power had taken place in the alienation zone, that Semyonov was at the head of the rebels, that he had formed a detachment of 2,000 people, and that they did not have weapons and uniforms - and so he was sent to Katai and Japan to ask for the opportunity and means to purchase weapons for the detachments.

He asked me how I feel about this. I replied that no matter how I feel, at the moment I am bound by certain obligations and cannot change my decision. He said that it would be very important if I came to talk to Semyonov, since I needed to be in this business. I said:

"I am quite sympathetic, but I made a commitment, received an invitation from the British government and go to the Mesopotamian front."

From my point of view, I considered it indifferent whether I would work with Semyonov or in Mesopotamia - I would fulfill my duty towards my homeland.

How did Kolchak end up in Russia. What kind of wind "skidded"?

From Shanghai I left by steamer for Singapore. In Singapore, the commander of the troops, General Ridout, came to greet me, conveyed to me an urgent telegram sent to Singapore from the director of the Intelligence Departament of the information department of the military general staff in England.

This telegram read as follows: the British government accepted my proposal, nevertheless, due to the changed situation on the Mesopotamian front (later I found out what the situation was, but earlier I could have foreseen this), he considers in view of the request addressed to him by our envoy, Prince. Kudashev, useful for the common allied cause, so that I return to Russia, that I am advised to go to the Far East to start my activities there, and it is more profitable from their point of view than my stay on the Mesopotamian front, the more that the situation there has completely changed.

Let's pay attention to one more evidence that what Kolchak was striving for:

« I ask to be accepted into the British army on any terms "- it happened.

I've already done more than half the way. This put me in an extremely difficult situation, first of all, materially - after all, we traveled all the time and lived on our own money, not receiving a penny from the British government, so our funds were coming to an end and we could not afford such walks. I then sent another telegram with a request: this is an order or just advice, which I may not obey. To this, an urgent telegram was received with a rather vague answer: the British government insists that it is better for me to go to the Far East, and recommends that I go to Beijing at the disposal of our envoy, Prince. Kudasheva. Then I saw that their issue was resolved. After waiting for the first steamer, I left for Shanghai, and from Shanghai by rail to Beijing. This was in March or April 1918.

<…>

That is, Kolchak obeyed the order, and not at the call of his soul went to Russia.

And about material difficulties - well, really, the question is logical, only strong romantics and enthusiasts can work without a salary.

* Vasily Mikhailovich Altfater - Rear Admiral of the Russian Imperial Fleet, first commander of the RKKF RSFSR

About Kolchak and Kolchak people

As part of the propaganda of the "white" movement and the distortion of history, many artistic works. One of these works is the film "Admiral".

White officer, admiral, patriot, hero ... Such a handsome Khabensky Kolchak cannot be bad. Can't be wrong. It means that the Bolsheviks are wrong.- It is this line of reasoning that the authors of this artistic film.

But this is all not true!

The truth is that the historical Kolchak has very little resemblance to the artistic one.

1918 In November, Kolchak, with the blessing of the British and French, declared himself the dictator of Siberia. The admiral is an irritable little man, about whom one of his colleagues wrote:

"A sick child ... undoubtedly neurasthenic ... forever under the influence of others," - settled in Omsk and began to call himself "the supreme ruler of Russia."

Former tsarist minister Sazonov, who called Kolchak "Russian Washington", immediately became his official representative in France. In London and Paris, praise was lavished on him. Sir Samuel Khor again announced publicly that Kolchak was a "gentleman." Winston Churchill argued that Kolchak was "honest", "incorruptible", "smart" and "patriot." The New York Times saw him as a "strong and honest man" supported by a "solid and more or less representative government."

Kolchak with foreign allies

The allies, and especially the British, generously supplied Kolchak with ammunition, weapons and money.

“We sent to Siberia,” General Knox, commander of the British troops in Siberia, proudly reported, “hundreds of thousands of rifles, hundreds of millions of cartridges, hundreds of thousands of uniforms and machine-gun belts, etc. Each bullet fired by Russian soldiers at the Bolsheviks during this year , was made in England, by English workers, from English raw materials and delivered to Vladivostok in English holds. "

In Russia at that time they sang a song:

English uniform,
French shoulder strap,
Japanese tobacco,
Ruler of Omsk!

The commander of the American expeditionary forces in Siberia, General Grevs, who can hardly be suspected of sympathy for the Bolsheviks, did not share the Allies' enthusiasm for Admiral Kolchak. Every day, his intelligence officers supplied him with new information about the kingdom of terror, which Kolchak had established. The admiral's army had 100 thousand soldiers, and thousands more were recruited into it under the threat of execution. Prisons and concentration camps were packed to capacity. Hundreds of Russians who dared not obey the new dictator hung from trees and telegraph poles along the Siberian Railway. Many rested in mass graves, which they were ordered to dig before Kolchak's executioners destroyed them with machine-gun fire. Murders and robberies have become a daily occurrence.

One of Kolchak's assistants, a former tsarist officer by the name of Rozanov, issued the following order:

1. Occupying villages previously occupied by bandits (Soviet partisans), demand the extradition of the leaders of the movement, and where the leaders cannot be found, but there is enough evidence of their presence, shoot every tenth inhabitant.
2. If, during the passage of troops through the city, the population does not inform the troops about the presence of the enemy, collect monetary indemnity without any mercy.
3. The villages, the population of which is putting up armed resistance to our troops, should be burned, and all adult men should be shot; property, houses, carts, etc. confiscate for the needs of the army.

Telling General Greves about the officer who issued this order, General Knox said:

"Well done this Rozanov, by God!"

The bodies of workers and peasants shot by the Kolchakites

Along with Kolchak's troops, the country was ravaged by gangs of bandits who received financial support from Japan. Their main leaders were ataman Grigory Semyonov and Kalmykov.

Colonel Morrow, who commanded American troops in the Trans-Baikal sector, reported that in one in the village occupied by the Semyonovites, all men, women and children were villainously killed. Some were shot "like rabbits" when they tried to escape from their homes. Others were burned alive.

“Soldiers of Semyonov and Kalmykov,- says General Grevs, - using the patronage of the Japanese troops, they roamed the country like wild animals, robbing and killing civilians ... Anyone who asked questions about these brutal murders was told that the killed were Bolsheviks, and, apparently, such an explanation satisfied everyone. "

General Grevs did not hide his disgust at the atrocities of anti-Soviet troops in Siberia, which earned him a hostile attitude from the White Guards, British, French and Japanese commanders.

American Ambassador to Japan Morris, during his stay in Siberia, told General Grevs that he had received a telegram from the State Department about the need to support Kolchak in connection with American policy in Siberia.

“You see, General,- said Morris, - you will have to support Kolchak. "

Grevs replied that the War Department did not give him any instructions about supporting Kolchak.

“The Department of State is not responsible for this,” Morris said.

“The Department of State doesn't know me,” said Grevs.

Kolchak's agents began persecuting Grevs in order to undermine his prestige and get him withdrawn from Siberia. Rumors and fictions began to spread that Grevs had "become Bolsheviks" and that his troops were helping the "communists". This propaganda was also anti-Semitic. Here's a typical example:

“American soldiers are infected with Bolshevism. Most of them are Jews from New York's East Side, who are constantly organizing riots.

Colonel John Ward of England, a member of parliament who was a political adviser under Kolchak, publicly stated that when he visited the headquarters of the American expeditionary forces, he discovered that "out of sixty liaison officers and translators, more than fifty were Russian Jews."

The same kind of rumors were spread by some of Grevs's compatriots.

"American Consul in Vladivostok,- recalls Grevs, - day after day, without any comment, he telegraphed slanderous, deceitful, obscene articles about American troops that appeared in Vladivostok newspapers to the State Department. These articles, as well as the slander against American troops spreading in the United States, were based on the accusation of Bolshevism. The actions of the American soldiers did not give rise to such an accusation ... but Kolchak's supporters (including Consul General Harris) repeated it in relation to everyone who did not support Kolchak. "

In the midst of the slanderous campaign, a messenger from General Ivanov-Rynov, who commanded Kolchak units in Eastern Siberia, appeared at the headquarters of General Grevs. He informed Grevs that if he undertakes to give Kolchak's army 20 thousand dollars a month, General Ivanov-Rynov will make sure that the agitation against Grevs and his troops stops.

This Ivanov-Rynov, even among the generals of Kolchak, stood out as a monster and a sadist. In Eastern Siberia, his soldiers exterminated the entire male population in the villages, where, on their suspicion, they were hiding the "Bolsheviks." The women were raped and beaten with ramrods. They killed indiscriminately - old people, women, children.

Kolchak's victims in Novosibirsk, 1919

Excavation of the grave in which the victims of the Kolchak repressions of March 1919 are buried, Tomsk, 1920

Tomsk residents carry the bodies of the spread participants of the anti-Kolchak uprising

The funeral of the Red Guard brutally murdered by the Kolchakites

Novosobornaya Square on the day of the reburial of the victims of the Kolchakites on January 22, 1920.

One young American officer sent to investigate Ivanov-Rynov's atrocities was so shocked that, after finishing his report to Grevs, he exclaimed:

“For God's sake, General, don't send me anymore on such errands! A little more, and I would have ripped off my uniform and began to save these unfortunate people. "

When Ivanov-Rynov faced the threat of popular indignation, the English commissioner Sir Charles Elliot hurried to Grevs to express his concern for the fate of the Kolchak general.

– As for me General Grevs answered fiercely. let them bring this Ivanov-Rynov here and hang him on that telephone pole in front of my headquarters - not a single American lifts a finger to save him!

Ask yourself why, during the Civil War, the Red Army was able to defeat the well-armed and Western-sponsored White Army and 14 troops !! states that invaded Soviet Russia during the intervention?

But because the MOST of the Russian people, seeing the cruelty, baseness and venality of such "Kolchaks", supported the Red Army.

Kolchak. He's such a sweetheart ...

Such a touching series was filmed with public money about one of the main executioners of the Russian people during the civil war of the last century, that tears are welling up. And so touchingly, emotionally, they tell us about this guardian of the Russian land. And hiking through Baikal is held commemorative and prayer services. Well, just grace descends on the soul.

But for some reason, the inhabitants of the territories of Russia, where Kolchak and his comrades played a hero, have a different opinion. They remember how the whole villages of the Kolchak people threw living people into the mines, and not only that.

By the way, why is it that the tsar is honored on a par with the priests and white officers? Didn't they blackmail the king from the throne? Didn't they plunge our country into bloodshed, betraying their people, their king? Didn't the priests joyfully restore the patriarchy, immediately after their betrayal of the sovereign? Didn't the landlords and generals want power for themselves without the control of the emperor? Didn't they start organizing the civil war after the successful February coup d'état organized by them? Aren't they the Russian peasant who hanged and fired all over the country. It was only Wrangel, horrified by the death of the Russian people, left the Crimea himself, all the others preferred to slaughter the Russian peasant until they themselves were reassured forever.

Yes, and remembering the Polovtsian princes by the surnames Gzak and Konchak, cited in the Word about Igor's Campaign, the conclusion involuntarily suggests itself that Kolchak is their kin. Maybe that's why you shouldn't be surprised at the following?

By the way, there is no point in judging the dead, neither white nor red. But mistakes cannot be repeated. Mistakes can only be made by the living. Because the lessons of history need to be learned by mouth.

In the spring of 1919, the first campaign of the Entente countries and the United States of America against the Soviet Republic began. The campaign was combined: it was carried out by the combined forces of the internal counter-revolution and the interventionists. The imperialists did not rely on their own troops - their soldiers did not want to fight against the workers and working peasants of Soviet Russia. Therefore, they relied on the unification of all the forces of the internal counter-revolution, recognizing the tsarist admiral A.V. Kolchak as the main arbiter of all affairs in Russia.

American, British and French millionaires took over the bulk of the supply of weapons, ammunition, and uniforms to Kolchak. In the first half of 1919 alone, the United States sent Kolchak more than 250 thousand rifles and millions of cartridges. In total, in 1919, Kolchak received from the USA, England, France and Japan 700 thousand rifles, 3650 machine guns, 530 guns, 30 aircraft, 2 million pairs of boots, thousands of sets of uniforms, equipment and underwear.

With the help of his foreign masters, by the spring of 1919, Kolchak managed to arm, clothe and shoe an almost 400,000-strong army.

Kolchak's offensive was supported from the North Caucasus and the south by Denikin's army, intending to join up with the Kolchak army in the Saratov region in order to jointly move to Moscow.

White Poles were advancing from the west together with Petliura and White Guard troops. In the north and Turkestan, mixed detachments of the Anglo-American and French interventionists and the army of the White Guard General Miller operated. From the northwest, supported by the White Finns and the British fleet, Yudenich advanced. Thus, all the forces of the counter-revolution and interventionists went over to the offensive. Soviet Russia found itself again in a ring of advancing enemy hordes. Several fronts were created in the country. Chief among them was the Eastern Front. Here the fate of the country of the Soviets was decided.

On March 4, 1919, Kolchak launched an offensive against the Red Army along the entire Eastern Front for 2 thousand kilometers. He fielded 145 thousand bayonets and sabers. The backbone of his army was the Siberian kulaks, the urban bourgeoisie and the wealthy Cossacks. In the rear of Kolchak there were about 150 thousand interventionist troops. They guarded the railways, helped to crack down on the population.

The Entente kept Kolchak's army under their direct control. At the headquarters of the White Guards, there were always military missions of the Entente powers. French General Janin was appointed commander-in-chief of all interventionist troops operating in Eastern Russia and Siberia. English General Knox was in charge of supplying Kolchak's army and the formation of new units for it.

The interventionists helped Kolchak to develop an operational plan for the offensive and determined the main direction of the attack.

On the Perm-Glazov sector, the strongest Siberian army of Kolchak operated under the command of General Gaida. The same army was supposed to develop an offensive in the direction of Vyatka, Sarapul and join up with the troops of the interventionists operating in the North.

victims of Kolchak and Kolchak's thugs

victims of the atrocities of Kolchak in Siberia. 1919 g.

peasant hanged by Kolchak

From everywhere from the territory of Udmurtia, liberated from the enemy, information was received about the atrocities and arbitrariness of the White Guards. For example, at the Peskovsky plant 45 Soviet workers, poor peasants, were tortured to death. They were subjected to the most severe tortures: their ears, noses, lips were cut out, their bodies were pierced in many places with bayonets (doc. Nos. 33, 36).

Women, old people and children were subjected to violence, flogging and torture. Property, livestock, harness were taken away. The horses, which the Soviet government gave to the poor to maintain their economy, were taken away by the Kolchak people and given to their former owners (doc. No. 47).

A young teacher from the village of Zury, Pyotr Smirnov, was brutally hacked by a White Guard saber because he met a White Guard in good clothes (doc. No. 56).

In the village of Syam-Mozhge, the Kolchakites killed a 70-year-old woman because she sympathized with the Soviet regime (doc. No. 66).

In the village of N. Multan, Malmyzh district, on the square in front of the people's house, the corpse of a young communist Vlasov was buried in 1918. The Kolchakites drove the working peasants into the square, forced them to dig up the corpse and publicly mocked him: they beat him on the head with a log, pushed through his chest and, finally, putting a loop around his neck, tied the tarantass to the front end and dragged it along the village street for a long time (doc. No. 66 ).

In workers' settlements and cities, in the huts of the poor peasants of Udmurtia, a terrible groan arose from the atrocities and executions of the Kolchakites. For example, during the two months of the bandits' stay in Votkinsk, 800 corpses were found in Ustinov Log alone, not counting those individual victims in private apartments that were taken away to no one knows where. The Kolchakites plundered and ruined the national economy of Udmurtia. From the Sarapul district it was reported that “after Kolchak, literally nothing and nowhere remained ... After the Kolchak robberies in the district, the availability of horses decreased by 47 percent and cows by 85 percent ... , 2000 carts, 1300 sets of harnesses, thousands of poods of grain and dozens of farms completely plundered. "

“After the capture of Yalutorovsk by the Whites (June 18, 1918), the former authorities were restored there. A brutal persecution began on all who collaborated with the Soviets. Arrests and executions have become widespread. Whites killed a member of the Soviet of Deputies Demushkin, shot ten former prisoners of war (Czechs and Hungarians) who refused to serve them. According to the recollections of Fyodor Plotnikov, a participant in the Civil War and a prisoner of Kolchak's torture chambers from April to July 1919, a table with chains and various devices for torture was installed in the basement of the prison. The tortured people were taken outside the Jewish cemetery (now the territory of a sanatorium orphanage), where they were shot. All this took place from June 1918. In May 1919, the Eastern Front of the Red Army went over to the offensive. On August 7, 1919, Tyumen was liberated. Sensing the approach of the Reds, the Kolchakites perpetrated a brutal reprisal against their prisoners. On one August day in 1919, two large groups of prisoners were taken out of the prison. One group - 96 people - was shot in a birch forest (now the territory of a furniture factory), another, in the amount of 197 people, was hacked to death with swords across the Tobol River near Lake Gimbiryai ... ”.

From the certificate of the Deputy Director of the Yalutorovsk Museum Complex N.M. Shestakova:

“I consider myself obliged to say that my grandfather Yakov Alekseevich Ushakov, a front-line soldier of the First World War, a Georgievsky cavalier, was hacked to death with Kolchak sabers behind Tobol. My grandmother was left with three young sons. My father at that time was only 6 years old ... And how many women throughout Russia were the Kolchak people made widows, and children - orphans, how many old people were left without son's supervision? "

Therefore, the logical result (please note no torture, no bullying, just execution):

“We entered Kolchak’s cell and found him dressed - in a fur coat and a hat,” writes IN. Bursak. - It seemed that he was expecting something. Chudnovsky read him the resolution of the Revolutionary Committee. Kolchak exclaimed:

- How! Without a trial?

Chudnovsky replied:

- Yes, Admiral, just as you and your henchmen shot thousands of our comrades.

Climbing to the second floor, we entered the cell to Pepeliaev. This one was also dressed. When Chudnovsky read him the resolution of the Revolutionary Committee, Pepeliaev fell to his knees and, lying at his feet, begged not to be shot. He assured that, together with his brother, General Pepelyaev, he had long decided to rebel against Kolchak and go over to the side of the Red Army. I ordered him to get up and said: - You cannot die with dignity ...

We went down to Kolchak's cell again, took him away and went to the office. The formalities are over.

By 4 o'clock in the morning we arrived at the bank of the Ushakovka River, a tributary of the Angara. Kolchak behaved calmly all the time, and Pepelyaev - this huge carcass - as in a fever.

Full moon, bright frosty night. Kolchak and Pepelyaev are standing on a hillock. Kolchak refused my offer to blindfold. The platoon was built, rifles at the ready. Chudnovsky whispers to me:

- It's time.

I give the command:

- Platoon, against the enemies of the revolution - or!

Both fall. We put the corpses on the sledge-sledge, bring them to the river and lower them into the ice-hole. So "the supreme ruler of all Russia" Admiral Kolchak leaves on his last voyage ... ".

("The rout of Kolchak", military publishing house of the USSR Ministry of Defense, Moscow, 1969, pp. 279-280, circulation 50,000).

In the Yekaterinburg province, one of the 12 provinces under Kolchak's control, at least 25 thousand people were shot at Kolchak, about 10% of the two million population were thrown over. Both men and women and children were flogged.

MG Aleksandrov, commissar of the Red Guard detachment in Tomsk. He was arrested by the Kolchakites and imprisoned in a Tomsk prison. In mid-June 1919, he recalled, 11 workers were taken out of the cell at night. Nobody slept.

“The silence was broken by faint groans that came from the prison yard, prayers and curses were heard ... but after a while everything was quiet. In the morning, the criminals told us that the Cossacks who had been taken out were chopped down with sabers and stabbed with bayonets in the back yard, and then they loaded the carts and took them away somewhere. "

Aleksandrov said that he was then sent to the Aleksandrovsky Central near Irkutsk, and out of more than a thousand prisoners there, the Red Army in January 1920 released only 368 people. In 1921-1923. Aleksandrov worked in the district Cheka of the Tomsk region. RGASPI, f. 71, op. 15, d.71, l. 83-102.

American General W. Graves recalled:

“The soldiers of Semenov and Kalmykov, under the protection of the Japanese troops, flooded the country like wild animals, killed and robbed the people, while the Japanese could have stopped these killings at any time if they wanted. If at that time they asked what all these brutal murders were about, they usually received an answer that those killed were Bolsheviks, and this explanation, obviously, satisfied everyone. Events in Eastern Siberia were usually presented in the darkest colors and human life there was not worth a penny.

In Eastern Siberia, there were horrific murders, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as is usually thought. I will not be mistaken if I say that in Eastern Siberia for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were a hundred people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements. "

Graves doubted whether it would have been possible to point to any country in the world over the past fifty years where murder could be committed with such ease and with the least fear of responsibility, as in Siberia during the reign of Admiral Kolchak. Concluding his memoirs, Graves noted that the interventionists and White Guards were doomed to defeat, since "the number of Bolsheviks in Siberia by the time of Kolchak had increased many times in comparison with their number at the time of our arrival."

There is a board for Mannerheim in St. Petersburg, now it will be for Kolchak ... Next - Hitler?

The opening of the memorial plaque to Admiral Alexander Kolchak, who led the White movement in the Civil War, will take place on September 24 ... The memorial plaque will be installed on the bay window of the building where Kolchak lived ... The text of the inscription was approved:

"The outstanding Russian officer, scientist and researcher Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak lived in this house from 1906 to 1912."

I will not argue about his outstanding scientific achievements. But I read in General Denikin's memoirs that Kolchak demanded (under pressure from Mackinder) that Denikin enter into an agreement with Petliura (giving him Ukraine) in order to defeat the Bolsheviks. For Denikin, the homeland turned out to be more important.

Kolchak was recruited by British intelligence when he was a captain of the 1st rank and commander of a mine division in the Baltic Fleet. It happened at the turn of 1915-1916. This was already treason to the Tsar and the Fatherland, to which he swore allegiance and kissed the cross!

Have you ever wondered why the Entente fleets calmly entered the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea in 1918 ?! After all, he was mined! In addition, in the confusion of the two revolutions of 1917, no one removed the minefields. Yes, because Kolchak's ticket for entering the British intelligence service was the delivery of all information about the location of minefields and obstacles in the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea! After all, it was he who carried out this mining and he had all the maps of minefields and obstacles in his hands!

What are the times, such are the heroes. The phrase is already well-worn, but it has not lost its relevance. With the change in the socio-political system in Russia, new ideals are being imposed on our society. Struggling with the Soviet consciousness in the minds of citizens, the authorities are trying in every way to tarnish the values ​​of a socialist society.

One of the tools is an attempt to present as new heroes and role models those historical figures who were not at all popular in society and were staunch enemies of the Soviet regime.

This series of articles will be devoted to these individuals, as well as their "merits" to the fatherland. Let's start with the figure of Admiral Alexander Kolchak, the favorite of the current government. A real patriot and a hero of his fatherland - this is how he was portrayed in the film "Admiral". So still, Admiral Kolchak hero or enemy of Russia? Let's try to figure it out.

To answer the question posed above, it is necessary to get acquainted with specific facts from the life and activities of this “hero” of the “white movement”, “the Supreme Ruler of Russia”.

Kolchak Alexander Vasilievich(1873-1920), one of the main organizers of the counter-revolutionary movement in the Civil War in Siberia, the Urals and the Far East. In 1916-1917. commanded the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral.

In 1918-1920. A. V. Kolchak- "The supreme ruler of the Russian state", which was actively supported by the Entente. The Kolchakov regime was liquidated by the Red Army with the support of partisans in 1920. By a decree of the Irkutsk Military Revolutionary Committee, Kolchak was shot (Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary, 1975).

Such personalities are held in high esteem by the bourgeois government. The leadership of the Irkutsk region decided to contribute to the process of “humanizing” one of the main executioners of Russia during the Civil War, and in November 2004 a monument was erected to the rebellious admiral. And currently, in one of the cells of the pre-trial detention center in Irkutsk, a museum is being created to perpetuate his memory. Local bosses even organized a tourist route along Kolchakov places.

In essence, the decision of the Irkutsk authorities is highly immoral. Why? First of all, because Kolchak until now has not been officially rehabilitated. In February 1998, the military procurator of the Trans-Baikal Military District refused to recognize the admiral Kolchak a victim of political repression. The grounds for refusal were the available evidence that, with the knowledge Kolchak the military counterintelligence under his control carried out mass executions of the civilian population, the Red Army and their sympathizers. Government Kolchak encouraged the military with monetary awards for the number of "heads" destroyed by them. Counterintelligence shot people even for having calloused hands. Since you are a worker, it means for the Reds, then you are subject to execution. In this way, Kolchak as the one who committed crimes against the world and humanity is not subject to rehabilitation.

The current defenders Kolchak extol him as an outstanding polar explorer and naval commander. The future admiral also took part in the Russo-Japanese War. (True, he did not win any special laurels there, but he was a prisoner of the Japanese). In 1916 Kolchak appointed commander of the Black Sea Fleet with the rank of vice admiral.

Nobody takes these merits from him. What was, what was. But the fact is that all their previous merits Kolchak crossed out himself, becoming in 1918 a puppet of the Entente. Having received from the hands of Western moneybags the post of "supreme ruler of Russia", the white admiral began to impose order on the territory entrusted to him with an iron hand, and such that Siberia was washed in blood. Thousands of the hanged, executed, tortured in prisons of the Red Army, flogged village women, ruined children and burned down villages - this is the calling card of the Omsk executioner who allegedly "gave all of himself to Russia."

In a short reign Kolchak in Siberia, during the punitive operations of the White Guard troops and their allies, over 40 thousand civilians were hanged, shot and burned alive, and about 100 thousand were thrown into prisons. In those days, it was the atrocities Kolchak oprichniks contributed to the fact that quite prosperous Siberian peasants took the side of Soviet power, providing Kolchak fierce resistance, although at first the Bolsheviks in Siberia did not enjoy success.

A. Aldan-Semenov's book "Red and White" provides a dialogue between the Minister of Internal Affairs and the "supreme ruler". V. N. Pepelyaev reports Kolchak on the results of the investigation of peasant unrest in the Cannes district:

“- Your Excellency, the punishers hang people on the Angara for no reason at all, especially ataman Krasilnikov is mad.

- What is he doing?

- You announced an amnesty to the partisans. One hundred and thirty men came home from the taiga. Krasilnikov immediately hanged them all as Bolsheviks.

- It can't be.

- Sorry, Your Excellency, but ...

- What else is Krasilnikov doing?

- He shoots priests, village elders, gendarmes who honestly served us. "This priest has not changed yet, but it can change, therefore, it is better to hang the priest." But other chieftains are no better. Annenkov, Kalmykov, Semenov, Baron Ungern. I can show you the documents about the monstrous torture ...

-Do not…".

Kolchak preferred not to notice the atrocities of his guardsmen, none of whom was punished. None of them even received a reprimand. It is natural that Kolchak the atamans, taking advantage of the connivance of their leader, did such outrages in relation to the civilian population, from which an ordinary person's hair stood on end.

***

In 1919, the power of the leader of the operetta "Siberian government", called the "supreme ruler of Russia", relied exclusively on the troops of the Western allies in the person of the motley Anglo-French-American-Japanese coalition. Received from them Kolchak"Humanitarian" aid, for which he generously paid with Russian gold stolen from the workers 'and peasants' state.

The fact that Kolchak is a puppet of the West's moneybags was known to the people from the very beginning. It is no coincidence that they said about him then: "The uniform is English, the shoulder strap is French, the tobacco is Japanese - the ruler of Omsk."

Kolchak's life changed dramatically in February 1917. It was during this period of time that his true essence and poverty of spirit fully manifested. However, judge for yourself.

A seemingly convinced monarchist who had taken the oath to the king betrayed this king as soon as he saw that the throne was swaying under him. Together with other generals and admirals, he signed a letter demanding the Tsar's resignation, and upon learning of the revolution, he threw the golden dagger into the sea, but immediately took the oath of allegiance to the Provisional Government.

But the Provisional Government either could not, or did not want to offer the ambitious admiral a decent position. At the request of the indignant sailors, he had to be removed from the command of the Black Sea Fleet. Then the Provisional Government at the request of the United States on June 28, 1917 sent him to the United States as a mine specialist.

Arriving in the United States, Kolchak began to conduct secret negotiations with representatives of the governments of the United States and England about his transfer to serve in their armed forces or the navy.

The financial sharks of England decided that he would be extremely useful to them in Russia as the leader of the armed struggle against Soviet power. At the official proposal of the British government Kolchak arrived in the Far East and in the spring and summer of 1918, the British began to advance to the post of leader of the anti-Soviet front.

The British who bought and recruited Kolchak, believed that he would be the most "solid contender for power" and had a real chance of becoming the "supreme ruler of Russia", with whom it would be possible to deal with if the entire anti-Soviet campaign was successful.

In October 1918 Kolchak was sent by the British to Omsk by the Minister of War of the Directory (the democratic government of Siberia and the Urals). Having dealt with the local authorities, Kolchak declared himself the "Supreme Ruler of Russia" with the support of the Entente.

TV and the media called it a crime that the Bolsheviks dispersed the Constituent Assembly in January 1918, which refused to recognize the decrees of the Soviet government. But then the majority of the deputies did not submit to the Bolshevik government. Anti-Soviet deputies organized the Committee of Participants of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch), seized power with the support of the Czechoslovak Corps in the Volga region and the Urals, announced the creation of an independent republic and began a war with Soviet power. The organizers of Komuch, that is, the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, were executed by order of Kolchak without trial or investigation. If Lenin, who gave the order to dissolve the Constituent Assembly, is called a usurper and a criminal, then how would you call A. Kolchak who gave the order to shoot these deputies?

The Entente gave Kolchak 1,200 guns, a million rifles, thousands of machine guns, ammunition, aircraft, armored cars, uniforms for hundreds of thousands of people. Kolchak paid off with the third part of the gold reserves of Russia, where the rest of the gold and values ​​are still not known for sure.

Kolchak thanked the invaders generously. He gave the Lena River basin to the Americans as a concession, the Transbaikalia mineral deposits to the Japanese, the Northern Sea Route and Altai ores to the British (and this is not counting the gold reserves). The British plundered Russia from all sides. In Arkhangelsk, furs were taken from the warehouses and even dogs - Siberian huskies - were taken out.

How many tears were shed by today's liberal Westernizers over the sale of masterpieces from the Hermitage and other Russian museums in the 1920s and 1930s for the starving in the Volga region and the needs of the industrialization of the USSR! But none of them even once remembered the gold reserves of Russia, which Kolchak launched to fight Bolshevism. Moreover, it is considered "merit" Kolchak, his contribution to the liberation of Russia from the yoke of Bolshevism.

Side by side with Kolchak his friends the White Czechs raged in Siberia. A huge amount of gold and silver things, jewelry, paintings, carpets, furs and even purebred trotters were taken out in trains ... ["Tankograd". No. 24. 2008].

Power Kolchak lasted two years and left a terrible memory of herself in Siberia, the Urals and the Volga region, Pokamye, Vyatka and other places. And when today the townsfolk zombified by television begin to admire Kolchak as a talented polar explorer, an experienced naval commander, a brave and highly educated person with an intelligent and expressive look, they forget what the same Kolchak was doing, becoming the "supreme ruler of Russia."

A... Kolchak stands out among the leaders of the white movement in that he was defeated not so much by the Red Army as from the general indignation of the population of Siberia! This is how Kolchak had to try to make Siberians hate him so much in just two years!

And there was something to hate for. In the book by V. Zazubrin "Two Worlds", published in 1921, all the horrors of Kolchak are presented by a person who experienced them on his own skin. In words, Kolchak promised people a heavenly life: "I set my main goal ... the establishment of law and order, so that the people could ... choose their own way of government and realize the ideas of freedom ...".

But what he did not in words, but in deeds.

“... The village of Medvezhye. All the peasants were gathered for a prayer service in the square. Machine guns are aimed at the crowd. Bells are ringing. The priest reads prayers and many years to Kolchak ...

Then the same priest gives the officer a long list of peasants - "Bolsheviks". At the church fence 49 people were shot writhing in agony. All other men and women of this village were whipped with ramrods and whips, all the girls were raped.

... Wild orgies of officers, where peasant women are being dragged; the gallows, where the children were hanged along with the adults. Czechs, Poles, French, Romanians, Japanese are rampaging and raging. The feast of the winners is in full swing.

Gentlemen, the officers are driving the Russian cattle, the Russian working cattle back into the barn. "

***

The army rolled like a fiery tornado Kolchak across Siberia and the Urals in 1918. A tremendous danger loomed over the young Soviet republic. All her forces were gathered into a fist and thrown into the fight against Kolchak, although at the same time Denikin was rushing to Moscow from the south, and Yudenich from the north. If they managed to combine their forces and strike at Moscow together, the Soviet government would have had a very difficult time. But this did not happen for many reasons, including because each of the leaders of the white movement sought to appropriate all the glory of the winner.

The Bolshevik government took advantage of the ambition of the white leaders and went on the offensive. It began on the Eastern Front in the spring of 1919 with a strike by M.V. Frunze's Southern Group of Forces. And before that, the famous raid of partisan detachments under the command of the Kashirin brothers, who were part of the group of troops of a member of the Revolutionary Military Council V.K.Blyukher, was carried out in the southern Urals, in the rear of the whites.

In the summer of 1919, the Southern Group of Forces under the command of MV Frunze began an unstoppable advance to the east with battles and in June approached Ufa. The legendary 25th division of V.I.Chapaev distinguished itself in these battles.

After the capture of Ufa and Perm, the road to Zlatoust and Chelyabinsk was opened. It was here that the fate of the revolution was being decided. Lenin sent a telegram to the Eastern Front: "If we do not conquer the Urals before winter, then, I believe, the death of the revolution is inevitable."

Army Kolchak rolled to the east, practically not offering any serious resistance to the Red Army. Demoralized, panicky fleeing armed crowds of whites rolled irresistibly towards Omsk. From the rear and from the fronts, Siberian partisans beat them up.

On November 14, 1919, the Reds took Omsk, capturing 30 thousand prisoners and many trophies. But the cellars of the bank, where the gold reserves of Russia were kept, were empty. Its remains - 21442 pounds of gold Kolchak took with him.

Let's hope that this historical figure will not be rehabilitated, and the truth about Kolchak's crimes and betrayal will not drown in the lies of bourgeois propaganda. Otherwise, it can be regarded as a real spit into the souls of the citizens of Russia and their history.

Other materials on the topic:

43 comments

Alexander 26.05.2011 08:22

The very existence of the current rotten government, under which this bastard was pulled out of musty chests, is already a spit into the soul of the victorious people in two bloody wars.

Sergey-1 26.05.2011 09:40

Kolchak? Don't ask too much of the puppet.

Vasily, Gorky 26.05.2011 11:19

Yes, at least Vlasov will be rehabilitated.
"There will be a holiday on our street too" - STALIN

Nikolay 26.05.2011 13:47

It is not surprising that so much attention was paid to the PR of this bourgeois film. It's even amazing how you can make a hero out of such a non-human!

Nikolay Alexandrovich 26.05.2011 15:04

The heroization of Kolchak is a link in a long chain of falsifications of history, with the aim of discrediting the Soviet regime, denigrating the victories and achievements of the mighty state, and forming a negative perception of it among young people. Only the lazy, from the newly-born democrats, will not openly “kick” and “bite” the destroyed state. Well, the most sophisticated do it gradually, not intrusively, in order to change the assessments of the past among the adult population, who often have access to only one - three television channels and, at best, one newspaper. But they were the most reading country!

Visiting 26.05.2011 20:51

No matter how much the current running ahead of the steam locomotive (the ruling elite of Irkutsk) praised their own in spirit and aspirations (for profit), the fact will remain the fact. The overwhelming majority of the people then stood up for justice. In the most difficult conditions, they overcame hordes of interventionists from 15 states of "civilized" Europe. And he did what he did. It is sad, of course, that the people of Irkutsk allowed to create this masterpiece unworthy of the city. Actually, like the Saratovites, they did not oppose the establishment of Stolypin. In truth, they do not know what they are doing.

Nick 27.05.2011 10:29

They are also going to immortalize in Omsk, erect a monument

Anti-communist 29.05.2011 01:37

It is interesting to read both the article about Kolchak and the comments to it. Everything is in the communist style: lump together facts and fictions about enemies, hide the crimes of the communists, and then publish laudatory comments. Russia will not rise from its knees as long as it remains here to lead the communists and their heirs.

Alexei 29.05.2011 02:43

Yes, mister anti-communist, you would be delighted if you read this in the article: "On November 14, 1919, the Reds took Omsk, capturing 30 thousand prisoners and shot them all, the meat was loaded into sealed wagons and sent to Moscow and Petrograd, where Stalin fried from this meat barbecue and fed Lenin and Krupskaya! ":))

N.T. 29.05.2011 04:31

Well, the Anti-Communist is simply ... amused that Russia still does not rise from its knees ...

hyde 17.06.2011 20:09

The article does not carry any informational content. Facts and fictions, legends and simple rumors that existed among the people or that have arisen over time are mixed here. No support for documents, except for citing Kolchak and Pepelyaev, whose origin is also very doubtful.

The point is not whether the hero is Admiral Kolchak or the antihero. The fact is that any statement requires facts. For example, this phrase:
"Its remains - 21442 pounds of gold Kolchak took with him."
Where, excuse me, have you taken? To Irkutsk? He didn’t even make it to Irkutsk - the "allies" gave him up on the way. And what, where did he take the gold with him? Did he organize the treasury in prison? The facts that Kolchak plundered the royal treasury are doubtful. After the execution of the admiral, they did not find any foreign accounts (which many people like to talk about now), nor "houses and estates in Europe." Read the protocol of the inventory of the property in the car. Of the valuable - only orders, and a few jewelry that belonged to Anna Timireva. And his family lived in poverty for a long time.

I am not writing this to make the admiral a hero. Let everyone form their own opinion about this person. You just don't have to mix facts and fiction, and then introduce it to the people.

Pinocchio 21.07.2011 13:09

Recently I read a novel about Kolchak "The Admiral's Hour" (by Mark Yudalevich). Recomend for everybody!

From the author's preface:
“This novel recreates the times of Kolchakism in Siberia. For many decades, Russian admiral Alexander Kolchak was portrayed in print as a bloody executioner and unscrupulous servant of foreigners, a puppet in their hands. On the basis of archival materials and stories of contemporaries, I tried to show Kolchak as a tragic figure. Alexander Vasilyevich was not a politician and failed to understand the situation of those years, let alone master it. But subjectively, he was a brave and honest man. It is impossible to cross out his merits as a polar explorer and naval commander, a hero of the Russo-Japanese and World War I. It is also impossible to become like those people who until recently accused anyone who said at least one kind word about Kolchak of idealizing this person, and now they zealously demand to erect monuments to him in Omsk and Irkutsk ... "
(Mark Yudalevich. Admiral's hour)

phoebus 21.07.2011 23:25

By the way, I agree with this preface.

Person 09.08.2011 23:08

It is very strange to read about the executioner-Kolchak, after 70 years of the Gulag and everything that we know about the Soviet regime, that selected human material was destroyed. Is this also Kolchak's fault? The personality is definitely outstanding! And time will put everything in place.

Citizen 20.09.2011 00:44

"Choice human material."
Well, here it is - the rhetoric of the anti-communists. Their chelovek is material…. Well, atk it was Kolchak who reasoned when he sold himself to the Entente and fought against his country. Well, he paid for that. There he is dear, the ugly.

Irenka 20.09.2011 20:36

And what, the existence of the Gulag automatically makes Kolchak an angel in the flesh? This makes no sense…
And it would also be worthwhile to think about where Russia would slide if the whites managed to somehow miraculously take the upper hand? Well, let's leave aside the fact that Russia would probably have been cut in half, but do you think that it would have been possible without repression?

Irenka 20.09.2011 20:38

And this nauseating film about him is not only opportunistic to the point of disgrace, worse than any Soviet popular print, but also absolutely devoid of artistic merit, like, incidentally, all New Russian cinema. Why such rubbish to fill the screen is generally incomprehensible.

phoebus 24.09.2011 17:28

Yes, Kolchak was not sold to anyone. They spread this nonsense even under Stalin - and you will not get rid of it already. That is, since we are talking about history, leaving ideology aside, we speak OBJECTIVELY, then there is no evidence, except, of course, the party archives, which have little trust.

a-r 04.10.2011 12:55

Kolchak is an ambiguous figure. But honor and praise to him for the fact that he was one of the few who sought to pull Russia out of the basements of the Cheka.

Zubkov Vladislav 21.12.2011 14:40

What are you people! I spent 3 years studying a historical person like Kolchak Alexander Vasilyevich. Do not listen to anyone and nothing! After Kolchak's death, the ideology in the country changed and history was now written by the Bolsheviks! Kolchak is a noble man! And I never was involved in bloodthirsty babies! And those who think badly of him just shut their eyes !!! Think about it and do not drag your head !!! for Kolchak and his ideology !!!

Evgeny Zabroda, historian 21.12.2011 14:48

I will not study history for 3 years, but all my life. And I read a lot of literature about Kolchak. Everything that is written in the article is absolutely true. Kolchak is a traitor who has sold himself to the West.

Sergey S. 08.01.2012 14:48

Only bastards and subhumans can erect monuments to this executioner! I read the diaries of his advisers assigned by the Entente, my hair stands on end! They tied people in pairs and put them on the rails under the armored train, managed to roll off the rails, so lucky, no - the arms and legs of the needle in different directions, so the officers were having fun! ... Who do we make Heroes! Okay A. Chapman, this is a harmless slut, but PUNISHER! It is terrible to live in such a state!

Your name 02.02.2012 16:54

Admiral Kalchak))) Bugaga!

Your name 24.02.2012 17:14

That's right, demolish the monuments to Lenin, Peter the Great, Stalin, Alexander 2.

Ivan 24.02.2012 17:21

On the count of communists !! for White Russia

Ivan 24.02.2012 17:24

Mr. Zabroda, grandma's tales do not belong to history

Valentina 02.04.2012 05:31

It was a civil war, the enemy beat the enemy, but did the communists cut out the peaceful people less in this war? And in the 20-40s, who organized the outrage without trial and investigation, were shot? History has shown that the communist system is rotten no less than those whom they scold. Why judge some of the executioners and praise others Lenin Stalin, funny gentlemen communists!

Person 06.02.2013 04:04

Less than three times. But in fact, six times. The Denikin commission to investigate the atrocities of the Bolsheviks set the figure at six thousand. Can Denikin be called objective and disinterested? I doubt something. And to remind, how many, for example, one chieftain Krasnov ruined? Why look at Deniin himself.

Anna 11.02.2013 15:49

Admiral-GREAT man who did not spare his life in the name of his Fatherland. If at least one of the “comrades” who spoke out here had read the real archival documents, studied the facts, they would not have written such nonsense, from which an even more or less educated historian is simply made ridiculous. It's time to learn history from documents, not Soviet textbooks.
In principle, I do not consider the article worthy of commentary, I would like to ask the person what state of mind he made.

Sportsman 09/21/2013 06:03

The entire white movement is a reaction to the revolt of the Bolsheviks / Jews / in the capital, to their bandit dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, which was assembled following the results of free democratic elections, where the Bolsheviks suffered a crushing defeat. The white movement had no other goals besides protecting the results and goals of the February Revolution. Kolchak was an active participant in this democratic white movement.

che 03.02.2014 20:17

Kolchak was so outraged by the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly that he decided to shoot him. Kolchak so defended the values ​​of the February revolution that, at the numerous requests of the sailors, he was recalled abroad. Where is the logic, athlete? In general, it is now fashionable to glorify people who mercilessly fought, and not with the Bolsheviks, but with the working Russian people. Nicholas 2 (only on January 9, 1905, peaceful demonstrators were killed, among whom there were more than one thousand women and children) Stolypin, who was associated with a tie and a carriage by his contemporaries (arranged a merciless terror against the mutinous peasants who were hanged on rafts and let down the river) , Kolchak (methods of fighting the civilian population are comparable to the Nazis)

Victor Dorozhkin 18.11.2014 03:18

all right, Lieutenant Zanin with a punitive detachment was the boss in our village and the peasants hanged the workaholic, and the rest managed to go to Shchetinkin

Lotos 07.10.2015 02:21

Reading about the fate of the generals of admirals and wondering about all the great and beautiful) And who drove the peasants into a bestial state, who did not shield the soldiers for the people.

Gennady Stupnitsky 08.04.2016 06:59

About the king of the most terrible cruelty

Time will not smooth the edges of this chasm -
Remembers the people on the Chitinka River
About the king of the most terrible cruelty
Everyone's beloved now Kolchak.

The memory keeps what the Kolchakites did.
(Let the crosses dry on the graves)
How all Siberia shook with executions,
As the poles passed along the backs.

He was considered another great in America
He was also very in love with England.
I can already see how they are hysterical
New whites of troubled times.

I do not understand where you made a choice
In kindergarten or maybe in the cinema?
Began around to be called all white
Grandfathers were red for a long time.

Chapay 05.05.2017 22:10

How many resemble grandfather Shchukar!

Sergei 04.07.2017 18:16

At a meeting in Paris on December 23, 1917, the "Entente Plan" was adopted and promulgated by US President Woodrow Wilson on the eve of 1918. The plan provided for the division of Russia into spheres of influence and was called the "Conditions of the Convention."
It was after the adoption of this plan that Kolchak (with a small letter), as a colonel in the British army, was sent to Siberia to implement it.
A. Kolchak in letters to A. Timireva:
"December 30, 1917 I have been accepted into the service of His Majesty the King of England"
“Singapore, March 16. (1918) Met by order of the British government to return immediately to China to work in Manchuria and Siberia. It found that using me there in the form of allies and Russia is preferable to Mesopotamia. "
I wonder why the invaders were in the camp of the bloody "patriots"? Why did the whites fight the foreign bastard shoulder to shoulder for the destruction of Russia? And the "vile" Bolsheviks saved our statehood?

Sergei 04.07.2017 18:27

The communists saved our country twice - in 1917 and in 1941. Twice they rebuilt the economy from scratch. We have overcome hunger and devastation twice. Twice they stood against the whole world and still remained rich enough, did not slide down to the level of third countries! (the USA also helped the fascists with materials and equipment until 1944, just like us under Lend-Lease, through private companies). We have preserved our identity, our culture twice.
What did the liberals do? compare the period from 1922 to 1941 and the period from 1985 (Gorbochev came to power) to this day? Anything to be proud of?

Sergei 04.07.2017 18:44

Kolchak (white movement), Vlasov (service to the Third Reich) and Yeltsin (drunkard) have one flag.
Kolchak (white movement), Vlasov (service to the Third Reich) and Yeltsin are liberals and "democrats".
Kolchak (white movement), Vlasov (service to the Third Reich) and Yeltsin (drunkard) have one task - to dismember the Russian Empire, and as the successor of the USSR.
Yeltsin succeeded ... now we clearly see the "zones of influence" (Georgia, Chechnya ... now Ukraine) ... Is it enough for you? So who is Kolchak? for me he is an executioner and a traitor, just like Vlasov, like Bandera ...

Abdurakhman 29.09.2017 21:35

Kolchak is a venal hide, a sent Cossack, it was necessary to put him on trial and then there would be no disagreement now, Kolchak deserved the death penalty, period.

VILORA73 03.07.2018 18:29

Sergei, after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the country was threatened with anarchy and anarchy. In this dangerous case for Russia, the great powers gathered and decided to divide the country into spheres of influence and not at all to conquer it. This is the real meaning of the so-called Entente slandered by the Bolsheviks.